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NRM has become a liability for its sponsors and supporters

The National Resistance Movement (NRM) came to power with domestic and external sponsors (those who fund and champion its cause) and gained supporters (those who are won over). The original sponsors and supporters of NRM inside Uganda had suffered political losses under Obote’s government – Catholics had lost elections twice to UPC and Buganda had lost the kingdom and ‘Lost counties’ referendum. Those who sponsored and supported NRM outside Uganda did not trust Obote despite his pledge to introduce capitalism under structural adjustment. They believed he was still a socialist and could not be trusted. The common characteristic is that those against Obote and UPC were in a hurry and could not wait for the next elections in 1985 or 1986 to defeat UPC that won the 1980 elections. They chose a military option for quicker results. Various guerrilla groups were formed, some of them merged into the NRM. NRM captured power in 1986 exactly five years when elections were due. So the results were not quicker but were clearly very destructive of lives, property and infrastructure and many deficits still remain unresolved.

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The economy is Uganda’s source and symbol of strength

There have been debates whether a country should consolidate its political or economic base first. On balance the consensus is in favor of the latter – the economy should form the foundation upon which to build the nation’s democracy and governance. The importance of the economy was recognized from the early days of Uganda’s protectorate. In his letter dated July 1, 1899 appointing Sir H. H. Johnson as Special Commissioner for Uganda, the Secretary of State, The Marques of Salisbury, stressed that the main object in Uganda was to organize the administration on lines that would facilitate the development of the economy to meet the requirements of the Protectorate. The issues of land tenure, agriculture, transport, trade and currency occupied center stage of the Commissioner’s work during his stay in the country.

Although a trade unionist, Obote understood the importance of the economy in Uganda’s post independence development. During the early part of UPC I (1962-1970), apart from being Prime Minister Obote also served as Chairman of the Planning Commission. He stressed the importance of economic independence through rapid economic development. Agriculture and rural development the source of livelihood of the majority of Ugandans, raw materials for industries and export earnings were given pride of place in Uganda’s first 5-year development plan (1961-1966). During UPC II, Obote did not lose sight of the importance of the economy in Uganda’s development. That is why he added the post of minister of finance to that of the president.

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Message to all branches of Uganda security forces

Dear brothers and sisters

As you may have noticed, I have since the beginning of this year (2012), sent messages to Members of Parliament, religious leaders, youth and women. Regardless of our profession, region, ethnic group, faith, age and gender, we are all Ugandans with a common destiny – to live in peace and security, create wealth and enjoy happiness. When this does not happen, we should all come together and find a mutually acceptable solution. Since 1966 Uganda has suffered serious political, economic, social and environmental deficits.

When NRM came to power in 1986, it declared that it was going to end the long suffering of the people of Uganda and even “put back the ‘hair’ on the bald heads of Uganda hills”. These announcements endeared the government to the people of Uganda, friends and well wishers. In response, Ugandans sacrificed and tightened their belts to give all the support the government needed in the early years of its administration. Our friends and well wishers donated generously in money and experts. Notwithstanding these efforts, suffering has spread and deepened and Uganda hills have lost more hair. The suffering of the people of Uganda is everywhere for all to see and cannot be denied. It was adequately summarized during last year’s (2011) Christmas sermons.

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Women that changed history and why – lessons for Uganda women

Ugandans especially women are impoverished, unemployed/underemployed, sick, functionally illiterate, tired, frustrated, hungry, many in exile, voiceless and powerless and understandably angry at the NRM regime that has created these outcomes since 1986 contrary to its promises because of wrong policies and uncaring dictatorship. Ugandans had hoped to change all this by defeating NRM at the 2011 presidential and parliamentary elections. But as the majority know and international observers reported there was lack of a level playing field and NRM stole the elections and formed an illegitimate government with over 70 ministers. Having lost faith in the ballot box, Ugandans are searching for a formula to unseat an illegitimate regime (some claim it is a legitimate government), establish a transitional government to organize free and fair multi-party elections.

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Why Uganda must not be rushed into the EA integration and federation

We should thank those individuals and institutions that have brought the issue of EA integration and federation to the center stage in political economy discourse. That this matter is being discussed at all is in itself a step in the right direction. This discourse has brought together people from different schools of thought including theoreticians and practitioners, those who think this is a matter for legislators and not the masses and those who advocate inclusiveness and full participation. What should be made clear at the outset is that there are few, if any, East Africans totally opposed to the EA integration and federation. Differences are about how to get there without leaving anyone behind or disadvantaged. Each participant must realize net benefits.

There are two major reasons why we should pause and reflect on this exercise: (1) Uganda’s current priorities and (2) lessons from integration and federation record.

What Uganda needs right now is to enable households put food on the table, help the unemployed and underemployed find remunerative jobs in decent working conditions, prevent Ugandans from falling sick and when they do have them cured, affordable energy to facilitate economic and social transformation, roads and communications infrastructure to facilitate mobility. These are issues that are better handled at the national level. Given the current economic, social and environmental crisis Uganda should focus at the national level, using regional facilities to enhance progress at that level.

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Time has come for Uganda youth to protest and open the door for reforms

The path to democracy, liberty, justice and dignity through the ballot box has not produced the desired results in Uganda and will not unless major reforms are undertaken. In developed societies institutions and laws permit citizens to elect representatives and hold them accountable. When they do not perform they are either recalled or voted out at the next elections. In Uganda these institutions and laws have been virtually destroyed. The NRM government has returned Uganda to the law of the jungle where strong animals do what they want with weak ones with impunity. Currently, in Uganda the weak are losing land to the strong, the weak are denied quality education and healthcare which are provided to the strong, the weak are going to bed every night on empty stomachs while the strong are busy exporting Uganda food and the weak are unemployed while the strong are importing workers through a liberal immigration policy etc.

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Success or failure is a matter of strategy

Too often people involved in the struggle for change confuse the goal and the strategy or the means to achieve the goal. The goal remains the same but the strategy adapts to changing circumstances. Let us take South Africa as an illustration. The African National Congress (ANC) was formed in 1912 to end a white minority system of government (the goal) by non-violent means based on Gandhian principles and tactics (the strategy). However, following the massacre of peaceful demonstrators at Sharpeville in 1960, ANC changed the strategy from nonviolent campaign to armed struggle. The goal or the principle remained the same. The war got prolonged and became very destructive and expensive on both sides. Under the mature and wise leadership of Mandela and de Clerk and perhaps assisted by a hidden external hand, ANC and apartheid government decided to negotiate a settlement. The ANC suspended the guerrilla war and began negotiations (a new strategy) to end the white minority system of government (the original goal). In 1994 after hard negotiations of give and take the white minority government system was defeated at the negotiating table and black majority rule was achieved with Mandela as president, Mbeki as first deputy president and de Clerk the last president under the white minority government as second deputy president. In the course of the negotiations the whites were assured that they would not be thrown into the ocean. Three further observations are in order. First, it is important to note that negotiations cannot take place until both sides have agreed to the solution. A third party working covertly or overtly may be needed to create an environment for a decision to be taken and negotiations to begin. Second, negotiations must be conducted with honesty by all stakeholders and implement the agreement reached. Third, negotiations must continue notwithstanding obstacles that may even lead to a temporary breakdown until an agreement is reached.

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Three ideas that have failed in Uganda

Uganda is at a crossroads economically and politically. If we do not take the correct path, the country will under-develop rather than modernize. Three ideas namely comparative advantage, structural adjustment and the ballot box have been tried in Uganda. All three have failed to deliver the desired outcomes. We need to examine each one and recommend a way out.

Comparative advantage means that a country should produce the good (s) in which it has an advantage over others, trade with others and obtain what is not worth producing at home. When the British arrived in what later became Uganda, they found that the people were engaged in a wide range of economic activities according to their natural resources. Some were herders, fishers, crop cultivators, hunters and manufacturers of a wide range of products that included pottery, wooden, iron products and cloth from hides and skins and bark cloth. These producers exchanged (bartered) their goods in local and regional markets in Eastern and central Africa. Production and barter benefited equitably those involved. On balance, the terms of trade were favorable.

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NRM can be unseated by peaceful strategies

There is general consensus that NRM has reached a point of no return. It has been bedeviled by rampant corruption, sectarianism, human rights abuses and infighting. It is therefore rotting away and features of decadence are there for all to see. The economy is in a comma – or very close – and social sectors are dying – if not dead already witness some hospital wards that have turned into hospices – and the environment is drifting towards desert conditions as warned by a United Nations agency not so long ago. NRM propaganda based on economic growth and expected social benefits from oil has not convinced the public so has the argument that external factors are responsible for Uganda’s economic, social and ecological illness. NRM has lost the will and capacity (in part because the government is broke) to adjust to the wind of change. Ipso facto, it has tenaciously clung to the discredited and subsequently abandoned neo-liberal economics which failed in many respects including trickle down mechanism to distribute equitably the benefits of economic growth.

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