Equality, justice and rule of law must prevail in Uganda

People who have followed my debates and publications consistently and impartially know that I am flexible within the confines of my principles. I believe all human beings are born free and equal in rights and dignity as specified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

I believe in democracy and good governance. Democracy means people must decide freely who should govern them on the basis of promises made by the leaders. When leaders fail to deliver they should be recalled or rejected at the next elections.

Good governance means that public officials must act in a transparent manner, must include all citizens in decisions that affect their lives and must be held accountable for their commissions or omissions.

Nobody should escape accountability on account of resigning from government after they have participated in criminal activities. Therefore Musevenism designed to hold Museveni and his family alone for all wrongs in Uganda since 1981 and possibly earlier should be rejected forthwith. This is a matter of justice, not apologizing for Museveni and his family.

Since I joined Uganda politics, I have been driven by the same mission, same vision and same values.

1. The mission is to unseat NRM government by civil disobedience or non-violent dissent in the first instance. Please note that “in the first instance” means that if excessive force is applied against civil dissent, the people of Uganda reserves the right to invoke other means in self-defense.

2. The vision is to create a broad-based transitional government run by a presidential team/council; organize comprehensive population census to give us an idea about how many and who exactly we are after which we should organize a national convention so that Ugandans decide how they want to be governed.

3. The values I cherish include transparency, inclusiveness, compassion, liberty, justice, innovation, accountability, peace, security, prosperity and rule of law.

In July 2011, meeting in Los Angeles, USA, Ugandans from different parties and organizations at home and abroad formed United Democratic Ugandans (UDU). The Committee to run the affairs of UDU includes Mubiru Musoke as Chairperson; Eric Kashambuzi as Secretary General; Dorothy Lubowa as Director of gender and Fred Ssali as Director of youth.

The committee was instructed to prepare a National Recovery Plan (NRP). The draft that had been circulated a month in advance to allow time for adequate consultations was presented at a meeting in Boston, USA in October 2011 and was unanimously approved after a day’s debate.

The Committee on account of its excellent performance that went beyond expectations was mandated to continue to serve. To keep members and others fully and regularly informed we created a UDU blog www.udugandans.org.

UDU is an umbrella organization of opposition parties and organizations at home and abroad. We have been in constant touch with the leaders of FDC and UPC. DP members are actively engaged in UDU’s work although no formal arrangements have been made but we are constantly in touch with DP leadership. We are also working closely with UFA officials.

UDU has participated in meetings either in person or submitting statements. UDU was represented at the very successful London 2012 conference on federalism that was addressed as keynote speaker by Hon. Peter Mayiga, now the Katikiro of Buganda.

UDU has since championed a campaign for a federal system of government through publications and debates; presenting cases that have included Indonesia, Belgium, United Kingdom, Nigeria and Switzerland.

UDU has also facilitated harmonization of diplomatic networking to as much as possible speak the same language and through one voice. Results including decline in ODA to Uganda are there for all to see.

UDU’s analytical work on Uganda and Great Lakes region political economy issues and history has been well publicized including on Ugandans at Heart Forum, Face Book, twitter and www.udugandans.org. Dennis Nyondo whom we incorporated as publicity Secretary has done an excellent job in disseminating UDU work.

In November 2013 a meeting was held in The Hague, Netherlands. Participants from Uganda and in the Diaspora representing all regions and demographics attended the meeting in their personal capacity. The meeting was chaired by Mr. Kyeswa Ssebweze who remained chairperson and organized preparations for the meeting in June 2014. Dr. Henry Gombya is currently the chairperson and will work with focal points in Uganda and abroad until the next meeting scheduled to be held in New York at an appropriate time.

We decided to have flexible organizational arrangements with office holders serving a short time to avoid constraints of refusing to hand over power to others. The rotational arrangement we adopted offers an opportunity to test leadership qualities including especially character of members and determine who is capable of doing what that will make it easy to allocate posts in the post-NRM transitional government. Merit, not connections, will determine who does what.

The Hague Process (THP) has adopted a road map, a strategy and a methodology with 198 means that should be applied according to local circumstances to unseat NRM by peaceful means in the first instance. The methodology has begun to work already as one reported recently “we are working methodically”. Demonstrations are one of the 198 methods and will be applied when it is absolutely necessary.

The success of UDU and THP thanks to The London Evening Post and Black Star News that are publishing our work among others through whom we are mobilizing Ugandans at home and abroad like never before have triggered fear and reaction in the ruling NRM.

Upon the success of The Hague conference, David Sejusa and Amii Otunnu hurriedly formed Freedom and Unity Front (FUF) by a few hand-picked individuals in what was supposed to be a secret meeting – had Monique not attended the meeting and thrown out for asking the “wrong” questions, a development that reporters disclosed to the public – to counter THP.

FUF manifesto lacked in-depth analysis of Uganda, was drafted on ecumenical principles thus restricting mobilization largely to Christians; had no clear mission, vision and values (later it was admitted it was drawn up in a hurry and needed to be revised). It was designed like a plane taking off on a dirt runway without a landing plan.

The subsequent so-called situation analysis of Uganda coming a few months after FUF was formed gave a rather fuzzy history of Uganda, not a situation analysis confined to the defined period.

In these circumstances, it is not surprising that technical, political and administrative problems choked FUF to death within six months of its birth.

David Sejusa who declared the infant ‘death’ of FUF announced at the same time that he had instructed Amii Otunnu to create another organization. Within a fortnight FADDU/FUF was announced as successor to FUF, raising serious questions about FADDU: when it was formed, by whom, its location and office holders. The second question is how FADDU, legitimate or not can form a coalition with FUF that died and was buried in London? No answers have been given.

Faced with this problem, a new organization called Uganda in the Diaspora Europe (UDE) was hurriedly formed in Amsterdam, Netherlands and organized a meeting to challenge and hopefully overshadow The Hague Process. Invitations were selective leaving out UDU. A week before the meeting took place, it was discovered that the chairperson was a staunch supporter of NRM and was summarily dismissed. Dr. Kizza Besigye addressed the meeting perhaps without knowing UDE scandals and the implications of his visit. Face book has damaging information about other organizers of the conference. In these circumstances, one can safely conclude that UDE is already dead or terminally ill.

To counter what Eric Kashambuzi, secretary general of UDU and active participant in THP, is saying about these new organizations, the forces behind them and their failures, a body that was dormant called Wakeup Uganda sprang up to active life and began hurling dirt at the secretary general of UDU as you are reading on face book.

We have demanded to know when Wake up Uganda was formed, by whom, where it is located and the office bearers. Under pressure, Wake up Uganda has confessed it is a collection of four individuals: three males and one female who have declined to give their names and therefore continue to act illegitimately.

It is increasingly becoming a requirement that if you want to engage in public debate you must give your real full names, address and the organization you work for so that there is accountability for commissions or omissions.

It is perhaps these same individuals that are posing as FADDU and voice of radio Uganda members criticizing Kashambuzi because the message and style are more or less the same and without substance. And they do it in turns. When Wake up Uganda takes a break, radio voice of Uganda takes over. In all cases, no names are given.

One of them promised to give evidence that Kashambuzi is working for Museveni in return for some money and a job in his administration. I can’t wait to see the evidence.

NRM has taken a further step to damage the opposition in the Diaspora according to some stories. It has crippled the once credible, popular and vibrant radio munansi. The English program, the most popular and substantive with a wider reach in geography and diversity of listeners was abolished abruptly and unceremoniously without explaining to the anchor of the program before and after it was terminated. What has baffled them those who closed down the English program is that we have continued to reach our people through other media. There are stories that listeners are demanding restoration of the English program or to rebroadcast previous programs. This might require prior consent of the anchor of the program.

Out of frustration because of my resilience I was challenged to produce yet again my resume or CV – which I did – because some Ugandans felt that what I was saying about my record can’t be true.

Even with the resume out, Bobby Musoke has insisted that I have not produced proof of citizenship and therefore I am not a Ugandan and can’t play a leadership role. Some who have been impressed with my resume but don’t want to see me as leader of Uganda have concluded that I am too qualified to become president without defining the criteria for that office. Others have said that I prepared the resume wrongly and it can’t be accepted; yet others want a more detailed one. I have directed the latter to visit www.udugandans.org or www.kashambuzi for details. The good news is that the vast majority who responded were impressed.

Then there is Dezire Desire Mawa – who claims to come from Rwenzururu without realizing that we know the location of that place vis-a-vis DRC – has emerged out of nowhere and is discrediting his character in an attempt to pull me down.

Others have respectively used my short stature and seniority to disqualify me from Uganda leadership. They are now confused because I have given names of short and senior people that provided quality leadership to their citizens and the rest of the international community.

For easy reference, here are very successful short leaders that include James Madison, Deng Xiaoping of China, Shastri second prime minister of India, Louis XIV, Napoleon, Caesar and Kambona as foreign minister of Tanzania.

The very successful senior leaders that presided at a very difficult time include Deng Xiaoping; Rao of India; Mandela of South Africa; Reagan of USA and Adenauer of West Germany.

I want fellow Ugandans to know that:

1. I will continue as a matter of justice to champion the elimination of Musevenism from the political discourse as presently formulated to focus condemnation on Museveni and his family for all the wrongs in Uganda;

2. I will continue to advocate as a matter of conviction the use of non-violent means in the first instance to unseat NRM regime;

3. I will continue to campaign as a believer in diversity and inclusiveness for a broad-based post-NRM transitional government led by presidential team;

4. I will continue to fight for equality of opportunity for all Ugandans and inclusiveness of all Ugandans at home and abroad in Uganda’s political, economic and social processes. The voiceless and powerless Ugandans need a shoulder to lean on.

Thank you for reading this message to the end.

Eric Kashambuzi

Brief resume of Eric Kashambuzi for easy reference

Full name: Eric Michael Kashambuzi

Place of birth:

Nyarurambi village, Rwentondo parish, Kagunga County, Rukungiri district in South West Uganda

Father: Rev/Canon Samwiri Kashambuzi served the Anglican Church of Uganda attaining the rank of Archdeacon;

Marital status;

I have been married to Gertrude Kashambuzi for over forty years.

Education:

1. Nyakaina (Buyanja), Kashenyi (Ruhinda) primary school from grade 1 to grade 4 in Rukungiri district;

2. Kinyasano (Kagunga) primary school (grade 4 to grade 6) and secondary education from grade 7 to grade 8) in Rukungiri district;

3. Senior secondary (O Level) at Butobere School in Kigezi district and (A Level) at Ntare School in Ankole;

4. Undergraduate (University of East Africa: Nairobi campus) studied Geography, History and Economics in first year. Did Geography in second and third years (a 3:1:1 combination for honors students) and earned Upper Second Honors Degree;

5. Graduate (University of California, Berkeley campus) studied concurrently and graduated in Economics and Demography;

6. Post graduate (University of Lusaka Zambia) International Law and International Relations/Diplomacy

7. Self-trained in World History beyond first year as undergraduate student

Work experience:

1. Research and teaching Assistant in Geography at the University of East Africa, Nairobi campus. I drew up the population map for the 1969 Kenya census under the supervision of Prof. Simeon Ominde and Bill Martin Nairobi City District Commissioner and taught Cartography under the supervision of Prof. Richard Odingo;

2. Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in Economics University of Nairobi, Kenya supervised by Profs. Bell and Hayer;

3. Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in Economics at the University of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (evening classes);

4. Advisor on population activities in Kenya and Ethiopia;

5. Economist in the first East African Community;

6. Senior Economist with the African, Caribbean and Pacific States (ACP) for the Lome Convention negotiations with the European Economic Community (EEC) in Brussels, Belgium

7. United Nations Development Program (UNDP). I served in Ethiopia, Zambia and Swaziland country offices;

8. Since 1985 served UNDP in New York in the Africa Bureau covering West Africa; Eastern and Central Africa; Southern Africa and Regional Program working with African Union, Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and African Development Bank;

9. In External Relations Bureau of UNDP I served as Focal Point and Liaison to the United Nations General Assembly Affairs, Economic and Social Affairs (ECOSOC) and Security Council Affairs;

10. I served in the Secretariat of the UNDP/UNFPA Executive Board

11. I served in the Secretary General’s Millennium Project as the External Relations Officer and Liaison with the United Nations General Assembly and ECOSOC on Millennium Development Goals (MDGs);

12. I served in the Millennium Promise for MDGs as the External Relations and Liaison Officer with the United Nations General Assembly and ECOSOC;

13. I served as an expert on AU mission to DRC, Burundi and Rwanda;

14. Currently I am a consultant with the United Nations Foundation and Center on International Cooperation of New York University on Post-2015 Development Agenda (2016-2030).

Research and Publication:

I have written ten books.

1. Critical Issues in African Development;

2. The Paradox of Hunger and Abundance;

3. Africa’s Lost Century;

4. The Failure of Governance in Africa;

5. World Leaders at the United Nations;

6. Uganda’s Development Agenda;

7. Rethinking Africa’s Development Model;

8. Defying Poverty Through Struggle;

9. For Present and Future Generations;

10. Fifty Years Ago: Lessons from My Research and Writing.

Guest and Keynote speaker:

1. Guest Speaker to African students at Columbia University;

2. Guest Speaker to African students at MIT and Harvard;

3. Guest Speaker to African at McGill University;

4. Guest Speaker to African students at Mount Holyoke College;

5. Guest Speaker at UNAA Conference in New York;

6. Guest Speaker at the Uganda Federalism conference in London;

7. Guest Speaker at The Hague Conference in 2013

8. Keynote Speaker at the Banyakigezi Conference in New York;

9. Keynote Speaker at the Tropical African Conference in London;

10. Keynote Speaker at the U.S.- Africa Conference on Trade and Investment: Los Angeles, California, USA

Political Activities:

1. President of the African Students Association at Berkeley, California;

2. Secretary General United Democratic Ugandans (UDU) and principal author of UDU’s National Recovery Plan (NRP). We have a website on UDU activities: www.udugandans.org.

3. Active participant in The Hague Process on Peace, Security and Development in Uganda and principal author of The Hague Process roadmap, strategy and methodology for non-violent resistance in Uganda;

4. I am actively engaged in diplomatic networking to unseat NRM regime by non-violent means in the first instance.

Mass media;

1. For three years I broadcasted in the English program on radio Munansi every Saturday and Sunday;

2. I created a blog: www.kashambuzi.com

Economic activities in Uganda:

1. Farming: crop cultivation and ranching;

2. Tree planting for multiple purposes including providing construction timber, fuel wood and reforestation to protect fragile water catchment areas and steep slope ecosystems;

3. Real estate.

Community service

1. Constructed spring wells in Nyarurambi to provide clean water to community members;

2. Built a Church for community members in Nyarurambi.

For God and My Country

Eric Kashambuzi

August 2014

Uganda should consider a federal or co-federal governance system

When a country and its society are faced with difficulties like Uganda is currently going through and there is a possibility of major changes, many ideas float around. A section of Baganda has boldly come up with the idea that a Baganda alone independent state be created through armed struggle, should that become necessary. They are regularly calling for non-Baganda to quit Buganda soil and return to their homes because they are impoverishing Baganda and grabbing their properties especially land and polluting their culture. You have heard these stories on Radio Munansi, among others. So this is not a secret.

Secession, however, raises many serious questions for Buganda that need to be considered very carefully.

1. Buganda rose from a small entity of three counties to a large state by military conquest, surrender or colonization initially with the help of guns supplied by Arab traders in exchange for slaves and ivory captured from conquered territories and peoples. When Britain arrived on the scene Buganda was still in the process of consolidating what it had acquired that gave Buganda ten counties. Without British support, Buganda would probably have lost some territories as Bunyoro was regaining what it had lost.

2. As a reward for helping to conquer and colonize Bunyoro, Britain handed over Bunyoro colonized territories and peoples to Buganda raising the number of counties from ten to twenty. These colonized Bunyoro territories and peoples were included in the 1900 Uganda Agreement. Bunyoro has never accepted loss of her territories and peoples which technically remain colonial entities still in search of self-determination, witness Buruli and Bugerere. The Fourth Committee of the United Nations General Assembly has mandate to receive requests from people and territories seeking self-determination, so the door is still open for the issue of self-determination to be raised and may receive a positive hearing as the issue of human rights and fundamental freedoms is on the front burner at the United Nations General Assembly.

3. On December 14, 1960 the United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution 1514 (XV) titled “The Right of Self-Determination: Declaration on Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples”. The resolution recognized “that the peoples of the world ardently desire the end of colonialism in all its manifestations”. It adds that “All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development”. Baganda should take this resolution seriously into account as we debate how Uganda should be governed in post-NRM period. All options except secession should be on the table so that Ugandans exercise their political, civil, economic, social and cultural rights.

4. Buganda should try to understand why Amin split Masaka from Buganda and attached it to Southern Province comprising South and North Kigezi; West and East Ankole; and South and North Masaka with the provincial headquarters at Mbarara and divided the rest of Buganda into Buganda Province and Central Province.

5. Buganda given its strategic location and historical developments as the seat of the colonial and subsequently of independent Uganda and as Uganda’s economic growth pole whose leaders and experts later were sympathetic to refugees from troubled neighboring countries and beyond and settled them on Buganda soil and appear to have acquired a permanent status has become a melting pot. The expansion of Greater Kampala has eaten deep into Mengo and Masaka indigenous population is probably less than fifty percent. Luwero Triangle lost some 700,000 people (half of the population in the area) during the guerrilla war and new people have occupied much of Buganda land and continue to do so at breakneck speed while we watch.

Given these difficult developments it is advisable that Buganda learns lessons from countries in more or less similar situation why some have managed to cling together while others have disintegrated.

1. Ethiopia expanded by conquering neighboring territories including Sidamo, Oromo and Ogaden. Through a carefully crafted federal constitution Ethiopia is still one country.

2. Jordan with more than half of its population being Palestinian refugees has managed to forge a governance system that has kept the country together.

On the other hand:

3. Yugoslavia failed to keep different groups together and collapsed.

4. The Soviet Union failed to keep different groups together and disintegrated.

Out of these lessons Baganda and other Ugandans should come together during the post-NRM transitional government UDU proposed and adopted by The Hague Process (THP) and debate and agree on how they want to be governed while keeping Uganda together as one country.

Eric Kashambuzi

I have been constructive in my criticism of NRM government

Ugandans and non-Ugandans who have followed my writings and speeches about the NRM government and President Museveni know that I have been constructive with a view to helping steer the government in the right direction. I have avoided personal attacks of individuals and their family members. I have written personal messages to the president; prime minister; speaker of parliament; minister and minister of state for finance, planning and economic development; permanent secretary of the ministry of foreign affairs and Uganda ambassador to the United Nations in New York giving them my honest views about Uganda’s political economy since 1986.

I fully supported the ten-point program because it was relevant and home-grown. But Museveni dropped it in exchange for the Washington Consensus or structural adjustment that I did not agree with. While in Kampala or when Ugandan officials came to New York where I reside I discussed with them what I thought was wrong. But they did not listen so I went public. Those who want to know what I have written about NRM government visit www.kashambuzi.com. It’s all there and comment on them constructively if you wish.

I have problems with Ugandans who worked with Museveni from the beginning and advised him on how to govern or without realizing it how mis-govern Uganda. They stayed with him and accumulated vast wealth until recently when they realized that Uganda is in real trouble and NRM might be removed peacefully or otherwise. Now they are conveniently jumping ship and are now blaming Museveni and his family alone for messing up Uganda. No single leader however authoritarian like Louis XIV of France governs a country alone. He/she has advisers in all sectors of society including the military, the church and civilian populations. When things go well the leader should share credit with them. Equally when things go wrong the leader should share blame with them.

David Sejusa formerly Tinyefuza is among Ugandans that worked closely with Museveni and his family. Sejusa was probably more powerful than Museveni because he could order the arrest or torture of Ugandans without Museveni’s permission. He could harass Ugandans in the Diaspora without Museveni permission. So Sejusa should be collectively and individually responsible for his commissions and/or omissions.

I am not a Museveni supporter – contrary to the views expressed by people desperate to destroy what I stand for – and want him to go but let us be fair. All those who have worked with him and witnessed Uganda sink into the ground should not run away and hold Museveni and his family members accountable alone. Sejusa must be one of them.

Ugandans should therefore not listen to those Ugandans that participated in crippling Uganda and her people when they start bad mouthing Museveni and his family alone. They are equally responsible and should be held accountable when the time comes.

Meanwhile let us focus on what needs to be done. Those aspiring to be the next leaders should tell Ugandans what they see that has gone wrong and what they plan to do to right the situation for the benefit of all Ugandans.

Since 2011 when I joined radio Munansi and got elected Secretary General of UDU, I have written and spoken extensively – building on what I had done earlier – about what has gone wrong in Uganda, what needs to be done to correct it and how it should be done. Since November 2013 when Ugandans at home and in the Diaspora met in The Hague and subsequently in London at the end of June, 2014, we have adopted a roadmap and methods for removing NRM from power by non-violent resistance and inroads are being made. As Secretary-General of UDU with responsibility inter alia for diplomatic networking we have done a lot that has contributed to concrete actions including reduction in donor support to the NRM regime. We worked hard before the US-Africa Leaders Summit took place and you all know what happened. The record speaks for itself.

UDU developed a National Recovery Plan (NRP) and is available at www.udugandans.org. Kindly visit the blog for the details of what we have done since 2011.

We are now advocating peaceful change of the regime in Uganda. We have suggested for stability inclusion of everyone in the transitional government that should be led by a presidential team instead of one person who accumulates power and misuses it. The transitional government should besides day-to-day state activities, conduct a complete population census for purposes of development planning and demarcating constituencies of equal voting numbers; convene a national convention so that Ugandans discuss and agree on how they want to be governed. Those who want federal governance should get it and those who want other arrangements should spell them out and have them. We should move away from a one size-fits-all situation or cookie cutter administrative designs. Meanwhile institutions should be strengthened so that an individual leader is not allowed to decide arbitrarily.

Those who criticize UDU and The Hague Process (THP) should focus on these proposals. Instead many have chosen to focus on Eric Kashambuzi as an individual accusing him of being retired forgetting that retired people have accumulated vast experience and are wiser. I have accumulated vast experience that has kept me in business at the highest level in the intergovernmental process. They forget how old Mandela was when he became president of South Africa. They forget how old Deng Xiaoping was when he became leader of China. They forget how old Rao was when he became leader of India. They forget how old Adenauer was when he became the chancellor of West Germany. They forget how old Reagan was when he became president of USA. I could go on.

They also attack Eric Kashambuzi for being short. They forget to explain why I am short. They forget that short men have been among the best leaders in the world – in government, in the military and in other occupations. Let me remind them. James Madison father of the US Constitution, the Bill of Rights and the two-term president of USA was short. Napoleon Bonaparte was short. Julius Caesar was short. Oscar Kambona, one of the best African foreign ministers was short. Many of these critics because they are huge they think that makes them fit to lead – not necessarily. Uganda has had some really huge leaders – Amin and Museveni. Yet under their rule Uganda has sunk into the ground. Ipso facto Uganda needs a short man/woman to lead Uganda based besides on their expertise, experience, patriotism and above all impeccable character.

Eric Kashambuzi

Wars are ugly and should be avoided including in Uganda.

The First World War which many believe should not have happened began in 1914, a hundred years ago. It is being commemorated this week.

Despite the suffering Uganda has gone through with wars since 1966, and the devastating evidence from wars elsewhere, there are still some Ugandans including Sejusa, Kafero, Amii Otunnu and Kuloba who are still insisting that the only way to unseat NRM regime is through another war. These people have no mandate and cannot individually or with a handful of supporters declare war on Uganda. They have formed dubious organizations to hoodwink Ugandans that they have a sizeable number of followers and therefore can declare war. We need to know what these organizations are and who runs and supports them.

The devastation of World War I outlined below will hopefully change the mind of those Ugandans still preparing for an unjust war.

WWI expected to last a short time in victory lasted nearly five years and ended up ripping Europe asunder and slaughtering nearly the entire generation and the brightest. Nearly everyone lost a family member or a friend. The political, economic and social fabric was destroyed. The catastrophe was of unbelievable proportions.

The Great War as it is popularly known that was fought to end all wars instead laid the foundation for yet another more devastating WWII. Below are statistics of what happened during WWI that should persuade Ugandans not to engage yet in another war but come together and form People Power under able and patriotic leaders, not the ones we have bent on keeping the opposition divided as the upcoming meeting of opposition parties in Europe will do indirectly backing the NRM regime they are hugely benefiting from.

The precise cost of World War I will probably never be known. Here is what we know.

1. Germany lost 1, 808, 545 people while 4,247,143 were wounded;

2. France casualties have been estimated at 5,000,000 of whom 1,835,300 were dead or missing;

3. The American casualty figure stands at 325,876, of whom 115,660 lost their lives;

4. The total losses of British Empire stood at 3,260,581, including 947,023 dead and missing. On the Western Front alone , British and Dominion casualties were 2,690,054;

5. Between half a million and two million Russians died while 3,409, 433 Russians were captured and 228,838 went missing;

6. Austria-Hungary lost 905,299 dead and 837,483 went missing;

7. The Spanish influenza killed some 50 million people worldwide.

The information was obtained from Andrew Wiest (2014) and Peter Simkins et al., (2014).

The principal purpose of providing these figures is to illustrate especially to Ugandans that rushing into war as we are being incited by power hungry individuals could be suicidal. Ugandans must therefore think long and hard before venturing into another war and should that happen it must be a just war.

Eric Kashambuzi

What is a just war?

It simply means that war might, in certain circumstances, be both politically necessary and morally justifiable. A just war is based on two concepts: jus ad bellum resort to war and jus in bello conduct of war.

Before a just war begins some conditions must be fulfilled:

1. There must be a just cause or right intention. The purpose of a war must be to right a wrong which has been committed (self-defense against unlawful aggression would be considered just), and the ultimate objective must be peace;

2. The use of armed force must always be considered a last resort;

3. The resort to war is the preserve of legitimate authority – an arbitrary act of an individual cannot be considered just;

4. There must be good prospects, no matter what the grievance , if war is likely to be a wasted effort, it should not be undertaken;

5. There should always be a sense of proportion between ends and means. That is the good to be achieved through war must outweigh the damage and harm to be endured (Richard Holmes 2001).

What UDU and now The Hague Process (THP) has been advocating fits into the definition of a just war and the conditions that must be fulfilled and the anticipated outcomes. What is even more important about just war is that an individual like Kafero or Sejusa just can’t declare a war. But that is what is happening. Kafero and Sejusa have no authority. The majority of the people of Uganda have rejected war. The People Power will prevail if only we could have patriotic leadership that puts Uganda and her people first.

Fellow Ugandans I am doing all I can to save Uganda from another reckless and likely very costly war. I am convinced that if patriotic Ugandans get together we can defeat NRM without firing a shot. But our discussions are disrupted by war mongers led by Sejusa and Kafero who are Machiavellian in the sense that the end (becoming president) justifies the costs of the war however catastrophic. This is unacceptable and all Ugandans should not accept. Ugandans have sovereign authority. If you choose to back another war then you should be accountable for the outcomes. My job is to highlight the dangers of unjust war.

Eric Kashambuzi

Uganda: Don’t be pushed into war by power hungry individuals

There is almost a consensus that the First World War should not have occurred. And we should learn a lesson from this war. It was very costly and led into the Second World War. Here are the costs.

“More than ten million men were killed in the war [when you add civilians killed or died of causes related to the war the number is higher], a whole generation wiped out. In a single day, the British lost 60,000 in the battle of the Somme. … In the siege of Verdun, the two sides had 1.2 million killed. Worldwide, the Spanish influenza epidemic took more lives than even the war, an estimated 20 million. Genocide such as the slaughter of the Armenians, while not directly connected to the war, took millions more.

Besides the dead, 21 million were wounded in the war; 7.5 million were taken prisoner or missing in action. Shipping losses totaled 15 million tons, of which 9 million were British.

All the belligerents mobilized 63 million. The total gross cost of the war was estimated by E.R.A. Seligman at more than $232 trillion during the fiscal years of combat. The daily expenditure by all belligerents was $164 million”(Chronicle of the 20th Century 1987).

The wars that have happened in Uganda since independence could have been avoided. But we have had leaders that are greedy for power and cannot get it by popular means. Amin carried out a coup of 1971 to save his skin regarding the millions of dollars that were missing from the defense department and asked to answer questions about the murder of Brig. Okoya and his wife. Amin pushed Uganda into a war with Tanzania to divert domestic problems. Museveni dragged Uganda into a costly civil war that reduced the people of Luwero Triangle alone in half because he lost the election in 1980.

Now we have Sejusa/Otunnu and Kafero who are behind the agitation for war. FADDU was not talking war until yesterday after it joined with the “dead’ FUF of Sejusa and Otunnu to form the so-called FADDU/FUF (Remember after they buried FUF Sejusa asked Otunnu to form another group to continue the agitation for war!).

Let me advise Ugandans once again. Before you decide to team up with an individual or a group do some research and find out who the people are. For example, who are FADDU members? Who leads them? When was FADDU formed? Where were they before? Why did they choose to join with FUF that died a few weeks ago and was buried in London? Check their record and character and then decide what to do and don’t blame anyone else should you discover you made a wrong choice.

These people who are agitating for war are living in exile relatively well with their families (you should see the vehicles they drive and how expensively they dress) in North America and Europe and elsewhere. Sejusa has joined them and is stirring them for war.

As Ugandans know very well I am not Museveni fan but I don’t have to recommend a dangerous course because I want NRM out of the way. Some argue that war is the only alternative because demonstrations have failed. They are not the only method available. In fact the demonstrators and their leaders started with the wrong method. The Hague Process (THP) has issued some 200 methods to choose from depending upon local circumstances. 70 percent of authoritarian regimes have been removed from power by non-violent means. That is a fact. Those who oppose me don’t have evidence to prove me wrong. They resort to desperate personal attacks only to reveal their character. I know some of them and have dealt with them directly. They have nothing to offer. Let them come out and show their record. Instead they hide under fake names and email addresses.

You saw what happened in South Sudan. When war started the president of South Sudan called on Museveni to save him and the war is still on. People are dying of bullets or of starvation or diseases connected with the unnecessary war. Look at Central African Republic. It started as a small thing by a few disgruntled people who wanted power by a military coup. The country has been engulfed into a war or instability/insecurity that may not end soon.

Must we listen to a few power hungry people who are worried that those advocating peaceful resistance might win?

Some people are calling on the youth to arm themselves and fight. The choice is yours but who is pushing you and what is their motive? Please study Uganda to the Rescue (UTR) and now FADDU that has joined with a “dead” FUF to wage a war. People have said I am a pensioner. That is true but I am a pensioner with wisdom and experience and want to use them to prevent another reckless war that may destroy a whole generation of Ugandans like it happened in World War I. Do we really know who is behind this agitation for war? Luwero Triangle people were dragged into the war and lost 700,000 people and who is occupying their land. They wanted to do the same for Northern Uganda but thankfully that has not happened. Ugandans wake up and don’t be driven into a lion’s den.

Eric Kashambuzi

The failed Moshi conference model is being repeated

When Ugandans in the diaspora sensed that the Amin administration was about to collapse with no clear successor government, everyone rushed to fill the gap. At that time I was living in Lusaka, Zambia, the second hub of Uganda refugees after Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. People who were not talking to one another in the same town, people who could not agree to attend the same reception, people who had not contacted one another for years began forming groups overnight overwhelmingly along sectarian lines to form the next government.

As Kampala was about to fall, the Tanzanian government hurriedly organized a meeting of Ugandans in the diaspora at Moshi to form a transitional government. Debates ensued about who should or should not be invited. In the process Obote, Binaisa, Tiberondwa, among others, were left out.

We all know what happened after the transitional team arrived in Kampala. The National Consultative Council (parliament) led by Rugumayo as speaker could not agree with the National Executive Committee (Executive) led by Lule as president. They could not agree whether the functioning of the government should be based on the Moshi spirit or the 1967 constitution. Sections in the military started fighting and recruiting for a possible showdown. Lule was forced out within 68 days. Binaisa who had been locked out of the Moshi conference was sworn in as the next president but lasted less than a year and was gone. The military commission had its share of problems. Museveni rejected Muwanga as chair of the commission because he was not a fighter. But Muwanga stood his ground and eventually became the de factor head of state although a presidential commission of three people had been created with representatives from western, central and northern regions. There was a civil war and many people lost their lives.

The 1980 elections were contested and resulted in a five year guerrilla war that left an estimated 700,000 dead in the Luwero Triangle alone and subsequent overthrow of the Obote regime and the northern and eastern civil war that lasted over 20 years with massive losses in human lives, properties, infrastructure and institutions.

Now Ugandans this time at home and abroad are sensing that Museveni government might collapse without a clear successor government in sight. They are repeating the same failed Moshi process of forming groups overnight by people who earlier could not talk to one another in order to form the next transitional government.

In December 2013, out of the blue Freedom and Unity Front (FUF) was created with Amii Omara Otunnu apparently handpicked by Sejusa becoming chairperson and Sejusa crowning himself the founder of FUF. They rushed with a manifesto that talked about mobilizing Ugandans along ecumenical lines without an indication about what to do with the mobilized people. Sejusa and his chairperson talked boldly about using military means as the only alternative to oust the NRM government. We pointed out to them in detail the difficulties of taking that road to state house.

They attempted to write a situation analysis covering three or so months but ended up writing a short history of Uganda and its problems. It didn’t go down well with commentators.

To crown it all, differences in ideology, personalities and methods of implementation became so overwhelming that within six months FUF was dead. The marriage of convenience was abruptly and permanently terminated and the founder made the sad announcement apparently without consulting his colleagues or staff.

What is even more baffling about the behavior of some Ugandans is that within two weeks of the burial of FUF, a new organization called FADDU/FUF was announced yesterday on August 3, 2014 with Amii Omara Otunnu as one of the co-chairs. This has raised serious questions.

1. When was FADDU formed? Was there a conference? Who attended the conference and what does FADDU stand for? Who are the leaders? Could we get their profiles? When we raised these questions we were referred to the website.

2. How could a terminated or “dead and buried” FUF be a joint partner with FADDU? Those of you who followed my debate with representatives of the new organization know that eventually they recognized that FUF doesn’t exist anymore but insisted that without FUF the struggle to oust NRM from power will continue. Ipso facto, FADDU/FUF as an organization doesn’t exist. It died on arrival.

Another meeting along the lines of the one that created FUF in December 2013 is being organized in Europe for opposition groups from Uganda and the diaspora. The meeting was not announced, the participants are not known as well as the organizers and the purpose of the meeting.

Frankly, one wonders about the real purpose of these meetings and hurriedly formed groups. Is it to destroy the good work being done in the diaspora or are people genuinely trying to prepare to fill a gap when NRM regime collapses but are doing it the wrong way. Whatever the reason, the manner in which meetings are being held and groups formed reminds us of the failed Moshi conference model that should not be repeated.

Since a few people have criticized UDU and the newly created THP (The Hague Process), let me say a word or two on both.

The birth of UDU: United Democratic Ugandans (UDU) was created in July 2011 at the Los Angeles conference. The conference was widely advertised in the media and on radio munansi. The working document for the conference was a synthesis of views collected from Ugandans and published well in advance of the meeting. We obtained many constructive comments which were incorporated into the final document which was again circulated to maximize transparency and participation. The conference formed UDU and elected a committee to run its affairs. There was a brainstorming session of what UDU should do until there is a regime change. The secretariat or committee was instructed to prepare a National Recovery Plan using inputs from the brainstorming session and submit it in draft form a month before the Boston meeting took place in October 2011. We wrote a summary report of the conference and provided a list of committee members available at UDU website www.udugandans.org.

The draft of the Plan was ready and widely circulated a month before the conference as instructed among Ugandans at home and abroad and among Uganda’s development partners. The document was discussed at great length in Boston on October 8, 2011 and adopted. It was agreed that the committee should continue to serve UDU and report progress periodically which we have done through the UDU website.

The committee was instructed to publicize the plan through civic education. We were also instructed to engage in diplomatic networking and to conduct analytical studies of Uganda’s political economy.

As noted above to keep members and others abreast of developments the committee records its work at www.udugandans.org which everyone is free to visit.

As executive Secretary-General of UDU I was mandated to serve as spokesperson for UDU on all matters to avoid duplication or sending conflicting messages. Our record is known and we have many followers. This is an organization that has acted transparently and inclusively.

The birth of THP: The meeting of November 2013 that brought together participants from home and the diaspora created The Hague Process (THP) for peace, security and development in Uganda. It was well publicized through radio munansi and on the internet. The meeting was well attended across regions, gender, ethnicity and demography. The outcome of the conference was published in The London Evening Post by Henry Gombya. We wrote a report of the conference which contains the list of participants who attended and will continue to do so in their individual capacities.

It was agreed that after consultation with fellow Ugandans at home and abroad, a follow-up meeting be organized to prepare a roadmap and a strategy for its implementation leading to the ouster of NRM government, formation of a transitional government led by a presidential team since a one person presidency has created tremendous difficulties.

The London conference of June 28-30, 2014 was widely publicized on the internet and on radio munansi. Mindful of costly travel and accommodation expenses so soon after The Hague conference, we decided to provide a range of facilities to facilitate participation by those not able to travel to London. First, we submitted the conference document well in advance for comments. We received very useful comments. Second, we undertook comprehensive consultations thanks to inexpensive technology and communication facilities and obtained useful inputs into the document. Third, we provided skype facilities during the conference.

Consequently, the conference was well attended (By the way attending conferences through remote arrangements has become standard practice and less costly including meetings organized by the United Nations organizations). The London conference produced a roadmap and provided a wide range of methods to implement it according to specific location circumstances so we overcome a one-size- fits-all model. There was a high level of transparency and none was left behind in this process. The next meeting will take place in New York.

The principal purpose of UDU and THP is to facilitate the work of parties and organizations at home and abroad to harmonize the message in order to avoid duplication or conflicting reporting and to join the dots among groups and parties for smooth coordination and coherence.

At the diplomatic level we have achieved a lot, albeit more remains to be done. The record is there witness for instance reduction in donor assistance and the action of the Constitutional Court on the Anti-Gay Act, in part because of outside pressure thanks also to the work of Milton Allimadi of New York-based Black Star News.

UDU civic education has shed light on Uganda’s political economy and its complex connections historically and geographically. In terms of mobilizing Ugandans along People Power Model, we have called on various groups including security forces, religious, women, workers, youth, civil organizations etc to come together as Ugandans and take our country back by peaceful means in the first instance and lay a strong foundation for peace, security and development for all Ugandans in present and future generations.

I am therefore calling on all Ugandans at home and abroad to avoid rushing into marriages of convenience for the sake of removing NRM from power and after that we turn against one another because nothing binds us after NRM is gone because we did not think in advance about what to do together the morning after.

In most cases revolutions are accompanied by bloody civil wars because the groups that came together to overthrow the authoritarian regime did not have anything else in common.

Let us learn from these lessons and not repeat them in Uganda in post-NRM regime. That is why UDU and THP are proceeding cautiously, explaining in part why we did not join FUF and FADDU. We must also realize that leaders are not created overnight; neither can they be picket off the street or jump out of a corn field or cattle ranch. What is clear is that Uganda has potentially capable leaders. All we need to do is to pick them carefully with a particular focus on character of the individual because character and impeccable record matter more than anything else. Bless you all.

Eric Kashambuzi

The cost of war in Mozambique

Mozambique after independence which was very costly in human lives, infrastructures and institutions suffered a 16-year post-independence guerrilla war. Here is what Mozambique lost during the guerrilla war without counting those who lost their lives directly from the war.

1. 490,000 children died from war-related causes;

2. 200,000 children were orphaned or abandoned by adults;

3. At least 100,000 children served as soldiers during the conflict;

4. Over 40 percent of schools were destroyed or forced to close;

5. Over 40 percent of health centers were destroyed;

6. Economic losses totaled $15 billion, equal to four times the country’s 1988 GDP;

7. Industries were so damaged that post-war production equaled only 20 to 40 of prewar capacity (Carnegie Commission on Preventing Conflict, 1997).

We appeal to those who have information about human and material losses in Uganda starting in 1966 to make it available. Uganda has experienced many wars in 1966, 1979, 1981 to 1986 in the Luwero Triangle and in the Northern, Western and Eastern regions since 1986 to the present (the most recent in western Uganda).

Ugandans of good conscience and who care about their country and people and who put the country first should oppose the war being advocated by selfish David Sejusa and selfish Duncan Kafero. I will continue to oppose Sejusa and Kafero as long as they continue to call for armed revolt against Uganda.

Eric Kashambuzi

Why “shock therapy” structural adjustment failed in Russia

This information is provided by the person who participated in designing and implementing structural adjustment program in Russia. It failed:

1. The crisis in the Russian economy at the end of the twentieth century was the result of the unsuccessful reforms implemented by the democrats who had come to power;

2. The reason for those failures was the choice (“with the prompting of the IMF and other such agencies”) of “shock therapy” financial stabilization, and privatization;

3. The consequence of those failures and mistakes was the catastrophic decline in production, which led to the impoverishment of the nation;

Apply these lessons to Uganda and you will see parallels. Uganda was influenced in its structural adjustment program design and implementation by the same institutions that advised Russia.

The economic growth in Russia of recent years is the result of the regime’s new course – that is, of the correction of the mistakes made by the democrats (Yegor Gaidar 2012).

To get out of the economic mess, Uganda like Russia needs a new regime to correct NRM policy mistakes and failures. This will require professional and experienced leadership, not the one to learn on the job as NRM did.

Eric Kashambuzi