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Why Uganda should avoid a revolution

There has been talk of using force to get rid of NRM government which has disappointed Ugandans and neighbors that had counted on Museveni to champion peace, security, stability, prosperity and good neighborly relations. It was hoped that through multiparty democracy, NRM would be unseated through free and fair elections but that hasn’t happened because of electoral fraud and suppression of opposition parties.

New developments regarding formation of Tutsi empire using Uganda as a base and the recent decision by Uganda and Rwanda delegates to terminate colonial borders has raised eyebrows and fear that Uganda could disappear as we have known it. In addition the prime minister’s statement that peasants should be replaced by large scale farmers without indicating where he would put them has created tremendous anxiety.

Regarding elimination of national borders, it is possible that Uganda and Rwanda parliaments which are basically rubber stamp institutions could be instructed by Presidents Museveni and Kagame to pass legislation for merging Uganda and Rwanda into a single state and erase national borders through legislation. These developments should be taken seriously and prevent them from happening because once they have happened it is very difficult if not impossible to reverse them peacefully.

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UDU mourns death of four children in electricity accidents

Press statement

United Democratic Ugandans (UDU) commends the wives and children of police officers who exercised their right through a demonstration in Kampala demanding payment of delayed salaries of police officers in order to restore electricity to their homes. We mourn with parents and relatives the four children who lost their lives in accidents related to illegal electricity connections. May the Lord rest their souls in eternal peace!

These accidents and demonstrations represent external manifestation of long and deep suffering of the people of Uganda. If police officers in Kampala can’t be paid on time, imagine what is happening to those in remote places. This is a clear reflection that NRM has failed the people of Uganda. It is also a clear sign of lack of development.

Development means that the benefits of economic growth are equitably shared so that every household meets basic needs of food, shelter, clothing, safe drinking water and electricity, etc. When that doesn’t happen, as in Uganda, there is no development. Thus, those in Uganda and abroad that praise NRM government for success in development are probably confusing economic growth of Gross National Income (GNI) and per capita income with meeting basic human needs.

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Discrimination has stunted Uganda’s development efforts

Uganda has begun the next fifty years of independence on a sad political, diplomatic and socio-economic note marked by political instability within the NRM and between it and opposition groups, corruption scandals, diplomatic deficit to handle the UN report on alleged Uganda involvement in DRC and deepening and spreading poverty.

Ugandans therefore need to take stock and understand why with all the abundant natural and human resources and generous foreign aid Uganda has continued to perform far below expectation. One of the reasons is discrimination at individual and group levels. The history of communities that were later compressed into Uganda at the start of the 20th century is full of illustrations about how discrimination has stunted individual and group performance and ultimately adversely impacted Uganda’s development.

Bantu speaking people entered what later became Uganda with a wide range of skills including livestock herding of short horn cattle, goats, sheep and poultry keeping, knowledge of manufacturing a wide range of products especially iron and crop cultivation. Later they specialized according to their comparative advantage (manufacturing, herding, crop cultivation, fishing, hunting and gathering wild fruits and vegetables which they traded in local markets). This diversification and exchange enabled households to consume adequate and balanced diets that enabled them to develop immunity against diseases.

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Comments on Uganda’s Jubilee Speech

On October 9, 2012, in a seven page speech delivered from Kololo airstrip, President Museveni who has been in power for more than half of fifty years of Uganda’s independence addressed the nation and the world. The first two pages of the speech were devoted to protocol requirements and listing invited dignitaries within and without Uganda. The third and part of the fourth pages were devoted to the list of ten strategic bottlenecks inherited at independence in 1962. Before making comments on the speech item by item, let me remark on three things.

First, because there was no agreement on the head of state at the time of independence, the Queen of the United Kingdom remained head of state represented in Uganda by the Governor-General. H. E. the late Mutes II became ceremonial president in 1963, not in 1962.

Second, since 1987 Uganda has been the darling of the west and has received generous donations in financial and technical assistance on a regular – not erratic – basis, at times receiving more assistance than the absorptive capacity. Development partners should therefore be congratulated for that generosity, although there isn’t much to show for it.

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Freedom of expression will liberate Uganda

Countries that have progressed have had citizens that fought for their inalienable (natural or God given) rights and freedoms including freedom of speech. They have also taken risks. When you shy away from them chances are that you will remain behind. Some efforts create quick results – negative or positive – others take a long time. Sometime reversals occur. But a start has to be made.

Uganda has just ended fifty years of independence. The overall assessment is that things haven’t happened the way we wanted them. That means we have to revisit what we did and find out what we need to discard, refine or retain as is.

One of the common complaints in Uganda is the system of governance that has concentrated power in the central government and suffocates efforts for regions or districts to decide what they need to do to improve the quality of their lives. The tier system that Uganda has introduced through decentralization is not sufficient because the central government determines what states/provinces or districts should do and the minister of local government is empowered to take decisions that could frustrate local initiatives.

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Museveni didn’t pick up the gun to save and develop Uganda

When you break new ground, as I am trying to do, you are bound to run into all sorts of difficulties. Some will misunderstand, others will misinterpret, yet others will dismiss you as a trouble maker, a sectarian or an ambitious person to be avoided like a plague. Readers of my contribution on Ugandans at Heart Forum are familiar with what has been hurled at me. Some who are worried about what may happen have suggested I use a fake name or drop writing altogether. I thank them all for their concern. After careful reflection and prayer, I decided that changing at this late hour may not be the right thing to do.

In my spare time I devoted some thirty years studying the Great Lakes region (southwest Uganda, Eastern DRC, Burundi and Rwanda) to understand why it is a troubled and unstable part of Africa. I concluded that the trouble comes from minority Nilotic Tutsi (Batutsi) trying to reassert their dominance over majority Bantu Hutu (Bahutu) and Iru (Bairu), a decision that has automatically led into accusations of genocide promotion and tribal hatred.

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What will Museveni report to Uganda on October 9, 2012?

On October 9, 2012, Uganda will observe 50 years of independence. The president is expected to report what has happened to Uganda and her citizens since October 9, 1962. To do that he needs to recap what independent Uganda inherited from British colonial administration. He should outline why Ugandans demanded independence and how it has been used to realize our dreams. In doing so, he is expected to look at the processes but most significantly at real outcomes in terms of quality of human life and status of our environment. In short, are we better off democratically, economically, socially and ecologically than we were fifty years ago?

On October 9, 1962, John Kakonge (RIP) then Secretary General of UPC that formed the first government issued a statement under the title “Uganda Regains Freedom”. He observed, inter alia, that Uganda inherited an impoverished nation, based on traditional agriculture and very low living conditions characterized by inadequate education and health care facilities, very high mortality rate, low school attendance and many other challenges. He left out the good things that the colonial administration did.

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Uganda needs righteous and ethical leaders

A righteous leader is one who is morally right, fair, upright, virtuous and law-abiding. Readers familiar with my publications since 1997 will have realized that I am trying to put together some ideas or a doctrine that will guide Uganda leaders to treat all Ugandans with justice and dignity. Our history has caused Ugandans to live in constant fear and suspicion of one another. Ipso facto, Ugandans don’t trust existing and potential leaders because they have been betrayed by past and present leaders. But fear and suspicion must be overcome in order to live together in peace and security. For this to happen Uganda will need leaders who tell the truth so you know where they stand, are just and ethical and believe in equality for all.

My honest writings that attempt to get to the root causes of Uganda and Great Lakes problems have caused a few people (who are using different names to give the impression that there are many opposing my views) to demand that discussing ethnic, tribal or clan differences is dangerous and should be stopped (I attended Ttabamiruka Convention in Boston, USA a few days ago and Baganda were proud of their clans with no adverse impact on their being Baganda). Those guilty of crimes against humanity in the Great Lakes region are demanding that African borders be dismantled so they can disappear in other parts of the continent to avoid being apprehended.

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The difference between Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo and Bantu Bairu/Bahororo in Rujumbura County

Because I have written disturbing facts about how Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo enslaved and impoverished Bantu Bairu/Bahororo of Rujumbura county in Rukungiri district, Batutsi/Bahororo represented by Museveni and Muhwezi have or their surrogates fought back by dubbing me a Muhororo so that people who don’t know the difference will think I am one of them and should carry the cross with them for the sins they have committed.

“Bahororo” in Rujumbura is a colonial administrative term that was created by British authorities. When the British arrived on the scene, they found many Bantu people identifying themselves by their clan names although collectively were dubbed Bairu (slaves or servants) by Batutsi/Bahororo who came to Rujumbura around 1800 as refugees from their former Mpororo kingdom which Ankole had absorbed. Presumably because colonial officers didn’t like the term Bairu which means slaves or servants, it was suggested presumably by Makobore who was chief of Rujumbura that all people in the county be called Bahororo. That was acceptable to British authorities. As a result there are Bahororo of two types. Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo people now the rulers of Uganda and Bantu Bairu/Bahororo people like me who became Bahororo for colonial administrative convenience.

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The difference between Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo and Bantu Bairu/Bahororo in Rujumbura County

Because I have written disturbing facts about how Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo enslaved and impoverished Bantu Bairu/Bahororo of Rujumbura county in Rukungiri district, Batutsi/Bahororo represented by Museveni and Muhwezi have or their surrogates fought back by dubbing me a Muhororo so that people who don’t know the difference will think I am one of them and should carry the cross with them for the sins they have committed.

“Bahororo” in Rujumbura is a colonial administrative term that was created by British authorities. When the British arrived on the scene, they found many Bantu people identifying themselves by their clan names although collectively were dubbed Bairu (slaves or servants) by Batutsi/Bahororo who came to Rujumbura around 1800 as refugees from their former Mpororo kingdom which Ankole had absorbed. Presumably because colonial officers didn’t like the term Bairu which means slaves or servants, it was suggested presumably by Makobore who was chief of Rujumbura that all people in the county be called Bahororo. That was acceptable to British authorities. As a result there are Bahororo of two types. Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo people now the rulers of Uganda and Bantu Bairu/Bahororo people like me who became Bahororo for colonial administrative convenience.

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