Tag Archives: museveni

Museveni wasn’t God send – he was delivered to Uganda by Satan

While on vacation in Rujumbura in southwest Uganda my neighbor fell sick. I visited her and found that she had been in bed for three days without medication. Her health was deteriorating. I suggested that she should be taken to hospital. But her relatives were reluctant. I discreetly found out that they did not have money to cover transport and medical bills. She was rushed to Nyakibale hospital when I offered to cover most of the expenses. She had malaria and recovered fully after four days of hospitalization.

While at the hospital I met a woman in the corridor and she looked troubled. Apparently she knew me and so we quickly connected. During the brief conversation she stood stiff, cleared her throat and made a statement so clearly as though she had been practicing for quite some time. She said in the local language “Museveni ogu hona nomuntu? Obworo bwaturetaire nibuza kutumaraho. Sitani akashanga nkahi Museveni. Ahabwenki Sitani yamuresire Uganda?”. In English translation she said “Is Museveni a true human being? The poverty he has brought will destroy us. Where did Satan find Museveni and why did Satan bring Museveni to Uganda?” This sentiment in one form or another has been expressed by others. When a cross section of Ugandans tells you that Amin’s overall performance was better than Museveni’s, they are saying the same thing as the lady in the hospital said except in a less dramatic way.

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Museveni has sold Uganda to foreigners – land is next and final deal

In early 1980s a few countries including Britain decided that Museveni would be the ruler of Uganda (Peter Phillips 2006) because Obote considered to be a socialist was not trusted (Vijay Gupta 1983) to take care of foreign interests. Museveni who was a Marxist was judged to be flexible and could easily be converted into a supporter of capitalism – which he has turned out to be. Britain led a visible effort in preparing Museveni for that role and has sustained him in power since 1986.

Before considering how Ugandans might lose their land to Britain and other foreigners, let us outline the steps that have been taken to enable Britain re-colonize Uganda through Museveni. The process started in the early 1980s during the guerrilla war. How was it carried out? Tiny Rowland provided finance, William Pike communication and media connections and Linda Chalker under Thatcher government political cover. According to Andrew Spannaus “Museveni, ever since he began fighting to take power in Uganda in the early 1980s, was backed by Baronnes Lynda Chalker, former Minister for Overseas Development of the Empire “ (EIR September 1997). His intellectual credentials which were previously considered insignificant were boosted by foreigners – African and non-African. Gerry O’Kane reported that Museveni was described as the intellectual who picked up a gun and used magical powers in his guerrilla war against Obote government (New Africa March 1986).

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How Museveni is silently turning Uganda into another Ivory Coast

It has been reported that migrant workers have triumphed over indigenous population in Ivory Coast’s presidential and parliamentary elections – essentially taking over the country. Museveni in collaboration with or under the direction of foreign advisers is methodically, silently and incrementally turning Uganda into another Ivory Coast. This is being done by increasing migrants through favorable policies and reducing indigenous population through birth control measures. I have already written an article (posted on home page of www.kashambuzi.com) arguing that immigrants will soon outnumber indigenous Ugandans. Let us see how Museveni is doing it beginning with policies that are encouraging foreigners to enter Uganda under conditions that are not clear to the public.

First, Museveni’s decision to adopt the shock therapy version of structural adjustment or economic recovery in 1987 was not an accident. It was designed to introduce unpopular decisions quickly before opposition groups organized to resist them. They also required dictatorial methods of governance which have been tacitly endorsed by Museveni’s foreign backers and conveniently described as bold leadership.

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Museveni and external backers have made elections meaningless and wasteful

Museveni who was unpopular in student, youth and party politics before becoming president has remained so since 1986. After hard political and military campaign, Museveni was disappointed and humiliated at the Moshi conference when he failed to get elected to either of the two most important positions of leader of the transition team to replace Amin or chairman of the military commission. During the transition period (1979 to 1980), he also realized that he could not lead either UPC or DP parties. Consequently, he formed his own party – Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) to contest the 1980 elections. UPM won one parliamentary seat! Museveni concluded that he would never realize his dream of becoming president or any other public office through the free will of the people of Uganda. He decided he would use force, bribes and tricks to achieve his goals.

That is how he began the destructive guerrilla war that lasted five years. He deliberately destroyed Luwero to put blame on Obote and have him overthrown (EIR 1997). Knowing that Baganda and Catholics were unhappy with Obote and his UPC government, Museveni tricked them that he would provide military backing to get them into power if they came together and form a political movement. Museveni showed no external interest in wanting the post of president for himself. He presented himself as a liberator with no political ambitions.

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Museveni continues to deliberately impoverish the people of Uganda

It may sound mean but it is very true! Before you call me ‘sectarian and tribal hater’, look at the record. Some Ugandans have developed a habit of drawing negative conclusions when they do not like what they are reading. They do not even bother to rebut but are quick to blame the author and question the motive. When you speak the truth, they call you a divider and other outrageous names and/or threaten to silence you or members of your family.

We are not going to solve Uganda’s problems without a serious critical analysis of what is going on and how it has come about. When people genuinely ask whether or not Museveni is a true human being or a true Ugandan it shows the gravity of the challenges they are facing under his regime. I have done research focusing on poor people in remote rural area and I know what I am talking about. Those who disagree let them present their facts. When an increasing number of Ugandans is telling you that on balance Amin was better than Museveni what does that tell you. Obote is already a hero in most parts of the country especially for his work in the 1960s. Friends of mine who were totally opposed to Obote are now softening because they have compared his record and that of Museveni. The level of the standard of living set by Obote in 1970 has not been approached under 25 years of Museveni misrule.

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If Museveni is re-elected, Uganda will enter a very delicate phase

Ugandans, development partners and friends must understand fully that Museveni’s goal – and one goal only – is to impose Bahororo hegemony over the people of Uganda through democracy at gun point. Democracy is needed for international recognition of his goal otherwise Museveni would simply use force and impose it. If Museveni is re-elected (I have advocated vigorously that he should be defeated to avoid troubles ahead), he will use the next five years (because time is not on his side) to force a conclusion of his project or lay a solid foundation for his handpicked successor to complete it. His push may provoke resistance that could result in a political and /or military confrontation and possible explosion. To prevent this from happening, we need to disaggregate the components of his power base and understand when, where, why and how his journey began. This is a tough and dangerous job but someone has to do it. I will do it for the future of all Uganda children. Those who have described me as a divider and advised Ugandans to ignore what I am saying are trying to divert your attention from Museveni’s plan for Bahororo hegemony. Bahororo (Batutsi from Rwanda) are people (whose base is in Ntungamo and Rukungiri/Rujumbura in southwest Uganda) that were represented at a meeting Museveni convened at his home in Rwakitura on March 15, 1992. The meeting was convened to agree on a road map for Bahororo hegemony. The report of that meeting and participants has been widely circulated.

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What kind of revolution was Museveni talking about?

When Museveni graduated from Dar in Tanzania, he began to talk about revolution. This led into the 1981-85 guerrilla war that toppled the government of Okello (not of Obote which was toppled by Okello in July 1985) in January 1986. He continued to talk about revolution. Many Ugandans thought he was talking about the familiar development revolutions: agricultural, industrial and technological. And many gave him support. Museveni suggested that he needed at least 15 years to accomplish this revolution that would in the end metamorphose Uganda’s economy and society.

As time passed, revolutions in agriculture, industry and technology were not happening. While Museveni kept Ugandans waiting for the promised fundamental changes, he embarked on a different kind. Here are a few illustrative cases.

First, he toppled (or it is alleged) governments in Burundi (1993), Rwanda (1994) and Zaire (1997).

Second, Museveni silently handed over Uganda’s economy to foreign ownership, arguing that nationalization was a wrong policy. That is why – justifiably or not – an increasing number of Ugandans think that Museveni is a foreigner working for foreign interests. They reason that a true Ugandan cannot hand over the entire economy except land which he is likely to sell if re-elected.

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Why Museveni must not be re-elected in 2011

Thankfully, our Creator has felt your suffering for the last twenty five years and has heard your prayers for change of government. Now all Uganda voters must gather courage and unite in order to defeat Museveni for the following reasons.

1. Instead of moving the country forward, he is driving it backwards towards pre-colonial conditions (witness increasing human sacrifice, witchcraft and feudal style of governance through lords and serfs and plans to turn Uganda into a kingdom).

2. Instead of uniting the country, he is dividing it up into tiny districts virtually along tribal lines too poor to sustain themselves and therefore dependent on Museveni with stiff conditionality.

3. Instead of protecting the nation, he is opening it up to immigrants from everywhere who are occupying jobs, owning land and are alleged to have registered to vote in 2011.

4. Instead of promoting good neighborly relations, he has interfered in the internal affairs of Sudan, Rwanda, Burundi, DRC and Kenya.

5. Instead of consolidating Uganda, he is forcing it through fast tracking into East African Political Federation without consultations in order to realize his dream of Tutsi Empire. He would probably be Emperor today had Mugabe not intervened in the 1998/99 DRC war (J. N. Weatherby 2003. The Other World page 222).

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Assessment of Museveni’s accomplishments in 25 years

Summary: The assessment of Museveni’s 25-year record in economic and political areas at national, regional, continental and global levels demonstrates triumph of failure over success.

To undertake a proper assessment of Museveni’s record one has to fully understand his overall goal. Museveni wants to be remembered as a great and bold leader at the regional, continental, commonwealth and global levels. He made this clear in early interviews after he became president. In one of them he said he would quit Uganda politics for pan-Africanism as soon as peace returned to Uganda. Thus, he has used Uganda and Ugandans as a spring board in pursuit of that larger goal. In short, leading Uganda and promoting Uganda interests were not his main reason for waging the devastating guerrilla war. Neither was it in sympathy with Baganda nor Catholics that felt had suffered under Obote leadership. Rather Museveni wanted a starting point – using Baganda and Catholic frustrations – which he failed to get in 1980 elections. The ten-point program and broad-based government at the start of his presidency were designed to consolidate his support among all Ugandans because he captured power in 1986 with a very narrow base.

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Museveni wasn’t born to rule, but to destroy

People who know Museveni well will tell you that during his secondary education life he exhibited restless rather than leadership behavior. Two developments appear to have disoriented him fundamentally in the late 1950s and early 1960s. First, during negotiations for Uganda’s independence, Bahororo (Museveni is a Muhororo) of Ankole demanded a separate district to recover part of former Mpororo kingdom. Bahima refused. It is believed that in retaliation, Museveni, as president, has refused restoration of Ankole kingdom. Second, Bairu’s political ascendancy in Ankole kingdom as independence approached was disturbing. Until then Bairu had been treated like slaves by Bahima and Bahororo. Bairu – a term coined by Bahima according to Speke (1863, 2006) – means slaves.

Realizing that numerically, Bahororo are insignificant and could not change Bairu’s political trajectory democratically, Museveni opted for a military solution: to stop Bairu’s political advance and restore Bahororo’s lost glory. His military participation in the overthrow of Amin was supposed to catapult him to Uganda’s presidency in 1980 election which he lost. He used the excuse of rigged 1980 elections which had been certified by the Commonwealth Observer team (which he has used to certify his rigged elections since 1996) to start a devastating guerrilla war. Museveni was aware that he would not win the next elections – hence the military option.

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