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The difference between Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo and Bantu Bairu/Bahororo in Rujumbura County

Because I have written disturbing facts about how Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo enslaved and impoverished Bantu Bairu/Bahororo of Rujumbura county in Rukungiri district, Batutsi/Bahororo represented by Museveni and Muhwezi have or their surrogates fought back by dubbing me a Muhororo so that people who don’t know the difference will think I am one of them and should carry the cross with them for the sins they have committed.

“Bahororo” in Rujumbura is a colonial administrative term that was created by British authorities. When the British arrived on the scene, they found many Bantu people identifying themselves by their clan names although collectively were dubbed Bairu (slaves or servants) by Batutsi/Bahororo who came to Rujumbura around 1800 as refugees from their former Mpororo kingdom which Ankole had absorbed. Presumably because colonial officers didn’t like the term Bairu which means slaves or servants, it was suggested presumably by Makobore who was chief of Rujumbura that all people in the county be called Bahororo. That was acceptable to British authorities. As a result there are Bahororo of two types. Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo people now the rulers of Uganda and Bantu Bairu/Bahororo people like me who became Bahororo for colonial administrative convenience.

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The difference between Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo and Bantu Bairu/Bahororo in Rujumbura County

Because I have written disturbing facts about how Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo enslaved and impoverished Bantu Bairu/Bahororo of Rujumbura county in Rukungiri district, Batutsi/Bahororo represented by Museveni and Muhwezi have or their surrogates fought back by dubbing me a Muhororo so that people who don’t know the difference will think I am one of them and should carry the cross with them for the sins they have committed.

“Bahororo” in Rujumbura is a colonial administrative term that was created by British authorities. When the British arrived on the scene, they found many Bantu people identifying themselves by their clan names although collectively were dubbed Bairu (slaves or servants) by Batutsi/Bahororo who came to Rujumbura around 1800 as refugees from their former Mpororo kingdom which Ankole had absorbed. Presumably because colonial officers didn’t like the term Bairu which means slaves or servants, it was suggested presumably by Makobore who was chief of Rujumbura that all people in the county be called Bahororo. That was acceptable to British authorities. As a result there are Bahororo of two types. Nilotic Batutsi/Bahororo people now the rulers of Uganda and Bantu Bairu/Bahororo people like me who became Bahororo for colonial administrative convenience.

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“A new colonialism: Europe must go back into Africa”

There have been suggestions that Europe must go back into Africa to put the continent back on track. Despite independence Europe never left Africa. It’s like governors went on indefinite vacation leaving behind Africans acting as Officers-in-Charge (oic). Through these oics, Europe has continued to exert tremendous influence (perhaps more than if Europeans were in direct control) in many ways that have contributed to the many political economy challenges Africa faces.

For some African countries, their relationship with Europe after so-called independence can be compared to relations between a department chief who before going on mission or vacation instructs his/her designated officer-in- charge (oic) to implement the chief’s decisions, and have the chief clear all outgoing correspondence before they go out under the signature of the oic. There are many instances when correspondence is drafted by the chief and signed by the oic. Many are deceived that the oic is in full control of the department and acts independently in the absence of the chief. Similarly in some African countries policies come from Europe or the international institutions they control although they bear the signature of the African head of state or head of department concerned. This has been particularly the case since the 1980s when stabilization and structural adjustment programs (SAPs) or the Washington Consensus were launched.

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Kagunga residents want their land back

Rukungiri town in southwest Uganda was recently (mid-2010) upgraded to a municipality by expanding its area into Kagunga sub-county. In upgrading the township to municipality status, the procedures at the district council and parliament levels were not followed, raising many suspicions. Since the upgrade and expansion, more suspicions are emerging from Kangunga residents due to a number of factors.

First, Rukungiri town is surrounded by two other sub-counties besides Kagunga. The other two sub-counties are Buyanja and Nyakagyeme. Buyanja and Nyakagyeme have flat topographical features suitable for urban expansion. Yet the expansion has covered only Kagunga sub-county which is hilly with deep and narrow river valleys making the area not suitable for urban growth. Kagunga unlike Buyanja has no electricity supply and Nyakagyeme can easily be supplied with electricity because it is closer to the town center. Technically and geographically Buyanja and Nyakagyeme should have been chosen over Kagunga. A better alternative is to let the town expand naturally.

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“I will go back to war” – A Response

The Sunday Vision online dated August 7, 2010 published an article about remarks made by President Museveni at a rally in Kanungu district where there have been clashes within the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party along religious lines. Museveni is reported to have reminded the audience at the rally and all Ugandans and indeed the whole world through the media that sectarian tendencies (ethnic, tribal, religious) forced him to fight previous regimes. He added that he will go back to war to fight people sowing seeds of disunity. He then advised religious leaders “to preach to followers how to get to heaven and told politicians to educate people on how to fight poverty without necessarily involving religion”.

With due respect, I disagree with President Museveni on the need to go back to war and on the comparative advantage he spelt out between religious leaders and politicians.

When Museveni became president in 1986 after the bushwar he preached in broad daylight, loud and clear that he would end sectarianism in Uganda once and for all. Everybody – Ugandans and others – applauded because sectarianism had done great harm to Uganda since colonial days when chiefs were favored over commoners and Protestant followers over followers of other faiths. To overcome this problem, Museveni reasoned, and subsequently announced that merit would be the only criterion for nominations, appointments, assignments, promotions in public domain and awarding of scholarships. Who could disagree with this innovative and appropriate leadership approach?

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