In Uganda as elsewhere leaders must be loved, not feared. Security forces in Uganda must be loved, not feared. When Ugandans are afraid of something they should run to police stations or army barracks for protection, not run away. Employers must be loved, not feared by their employees. Leaders in administration and police and military must protect the people, not scare and/or hurt them. They must cultivate a culture of peace and love, not of intimidation, torture and murder.
Conditions must be created where all people irrespective of their professions live and work together in peace and security. A maid should love, not fear her boss. A gardener should love, not fear his employer. The rule of law must work, not the rule of the gun and torture houses. The people of Uganda are tired of living in constant fear at home and abroad. Ugandans are afraid of one another even relatives because you don’t know what murder weapon the other is carrying. The people of Uganda are tired of being insulted by NRM surrogates or those scared of the wrong things they have done and are being discovered who use fake names. The people of Uganda are tired of mercenaries that torture and murder Ugandans and disappear with impunity when they can’t do it anymore. Nobody can tolerate living under these conditions indefinitely. If NRM is unable or unwilling to protect its citizens then someone else should do it.
Ugandans can’t continue to suffer and die needlessly. Someone called me yesterday and urged that we must stop needless suffering and dying in Uganda. Another suggested that we should go beyond writing and put recommendations into action. It is clear from these voices and many more that Ugandans can’t take it anymore. In this struggle we call on development partners whose principal mission is to lift people out of poverty and suffering to lend us a helping hand while we recognize that the primary responsibility for liberating Uganda resides with citizens.
Democracy at gun point in Uganda is worse than direct military rule because it is legitimized by foreign recognition of the government even when the opposition rejected the 2011 election results. The opposition presidential candidates didn’t concede defeat. Therefore many Ugandans believe that Museveni formed and is running an illegitimate government of over 70 ministers where the bulk of development funds have been diverted besides covering administrative costs of expanded districts from 39 in 1993 to over 100 today.
I was born during colonial days. As I grew up, I witnessed people in our village ran away at the sight of a government official – parish chief, askari (police officer), tax collector or even a health inspector (soldiers were never seen in villages at that time). Even when a school teacher visited a home, you knew there was a problem with a student(s) in that home! So, whenever an official visited a village there was, more often than not, a problem of some sort in the area. Either someone hadn’t paid taxes or constructed a pit latrine or a student had bullied another one etc. In short, whenever a government official arrived in a village it was taken for granted that someone was going to get arrested. Those who suspected the possibility of arrest ran away and hid. Sometimes they got out of the house early before the official arrived. If my memory serves me right, church leaders were the only people that were not feared.
When politicians were campaigning for pre-independence elections, they told voters that their party if elected and formed a government would end all colonial fear, suffering and punishments especially caning of adults (I know some of my relatives who preferred a jail sentence to caning in public. It was a big humiliation for them). People voted in large numbers and independence came on October 9, 1962.
Sadly, with independence came new problems on top of colonial ones. The government in power began to harass; arrest and imprison opposition members. The ruling UPC party developed two wings opposing each other. In my area of Rukungiri the party was split into vegetarians and meat eaters and the latter were harassed by the former who had access to security forces and used them to silence and force them into a state of fear. Because of connections with politicians in the meat eaters group, I ended up counted among them and was subjected to harassment. I am going to say this for the first time: if it wasn’t for the late Moses Kifefe, father of Kizza Besigye, who smuggled me out of Rukungiri town on many occasions in trucks transferring coffee to Mbarara or Masaka, I probably wouldn’t have completed undergraduate studies. For those of you who didn’t know, that is why I dedicated my tenth book in memory of Moses and Mrs Kifefe. I became a firebrand youth wing politician and Baboga got scared because I was a good speaker and popular sportsman and attracted many people. If in doubt go to Rukungiri town and find out. Many still remember. Constructing a church for my community has rekindled this memory.
At the central level, problems developed in the cabinet and two opposing groups – Obote group and Ibingira group – were formed. Instead of solving problems through negotiations or by democratic means (e.g. secret ballot), they each called on the army for support. The army commander Opolot sided with the Ibingira group and the deputy army commander Amin joined the Obote group. While in a cabinet meeting, Obote soldiers arrested Ibingira and four other ministers who supported him and were sent to jail. To be honest, that action was undemocratic. This political/military conflict resulted in the 1966/67 political and constitutional crisis, ending kingdoms and overthrowing the independence constitution.
Since 1966, Uganda has been governed directly or indirectly by the military through the instruments of fear. From 1966 until he was overthrown in 1971 Obote was sustained in power by security forces headed by Amin who in 1971 decided to rule directly. In 1979, Amin was overthrown and a civilian transitional government was formed to prepare for elections. The two civilian presidents (Lule and Binaisa) were overthrown and the military commission led by Muwanga governed until the end of 1980. The military commission ensured Obote won the 1980 elections. It is important to note that Museveni was vice chairman of the commission.
Since 1966, many Ugandans think that Uganda can’t be led without military involvement directly or indirectly and when you mention separating politics from military some especially those that are being sustained in power by the military falsely think you are not realistic. The late Yusuf Lule hoped he would regain his presidency with the backing of the military, explaining in part why he joined forces with Museveni instead of waiting for the next elections. When Lule passed on a year before the guerrilla forces came to power in 1986, Museveni didn’t see the need to elect a civilian successor to Lule. He decided to become president, and so he did by default. Here is how one commentator described how Museveni stole the presidency. “We don’t even know when he became the chairman [of NRM]. It was interim chairman when we took power. But one night, when I was still writing the word ‘interim’, a former friend of mine … – he told me ‘why do you write interim’? He is chairman. We never asked. As very respectable Ugandans, we always accept authority; we kept quiet” (EIR Special Report 1997).
Under pressure from the international community to establish democratic governments, military officers have become politicians on the outside while remaining military on the inside. To challenge military man Museveni, FDC had to elect military man Besigye, thus militarizing Uganda politics. With Besigye stepping down as leader of FDC (though by no means quitting politics), another military man Muntu, former commander of Uganda armed forces, has been elected the new leader of FDC, defeating a civilian opponent.
In Uganda and possibly everywhere when military people choose to enter politics they retire from the army. In Uganda, however, that has become a mere formality. They continue to use their military titles and wear military uniforms and remain connected with the military in one form or another. Military titles and uniforms help them to remain feared and intimidate others during election campaign.
During the 2001 election campaign one person was shot dead by the military and others injured at the opposition rally in Rukungiri town, Besigye’s home area. People were so intimidated that they had to vote for Museveni. I have been told subject to confirmation that just before the 2011 elections a group of unknown people staged a demonstration in Rukungiri town. Security forces stepped in with tear gas and bullets and scattered residents accusing one section of NRM of disturbing peace and security. Many supporters of the accused candidate didn’t turn up at the NRM district elections and he lost contest for leading NRM in the district and parliamentary seat. The person who won both contests is a ‘retired’ General, defeating a civilian.
We have seen that when Museveni is faced with a serious domestic challenge, he wears his military fatigue and addresses the nation via television in an angry voice with his eyes protruding. When he does that he is sending a message that a feared military man is still around (As I am writing there is a story circulating in the media subject to confirmation that “Museveni has just cocked a gun and shouted like mad, before storming out of a meeting of NRM highest organ. The members in the room dived for cover after seeing Museveni shouting at the top of his voice with redshot eyes. The standoff started when members challenged him on some issues”. I was a prefect at Ntare School with Museveni behind me and I detected through his style of debating what people are now confirming.
I recall very well that students who bullied others physically and/or verbally were rarely appointed leaders at school such as prefect. Leaders were picked among those that were popular and approachable, those that would convince others say in a debate, not among those who raised their voices when they were losing a contest.
Ugandans can’t continue to live in fear anymore, at home and abroad. Time comes when you have to say no. Starting in 2013, Ugandans must begin the process of changing this form of governance – no more military leaders – no disrespect to military individuals (the military should continue with full facilitation to play its vital traditional role of protecting the nation and civilian politicians should not bring the military into politics in order to stay in power forever. Obote was the first to do it and it has spread).
Ugandans must change by peaceful means (force only in self-defense) being governed at gun point because in the end everyone gets hurt including soldiers and their families (soldiers must remember that they have families too and not everyone will become a soldier so don’t endanger their lives by torturing the parents and relatives of others. Lenin went wild when his brother was executed by the Czar and he settled scores in 1917. Deng ensured that those in the institution that tortured him and his son and killed his brother paid a price. So before you take military action against others keep these examples in mind please because there are repercussions). I don’t believe in force to solve problems unless I am forced into it in self-defense. I also strongly believe that Uganda belongs to all Ugandans. So when we point out those committing some wrongs it doesn’t mean the entire family or ethnic group will be hunted down; not at all.
Military governments under Amin and Museveni came in to solve problems. Amin gave 18 reasons why he was forced to unseat the UPC government in 1971. Museveni presented the ten point program in which he accused UPC government of failure. By the time Amin was chased away the country was in a mess. Much of the capital accumulated during the colonial rule and in the 1960s was destroyed.
Museveni claimed that he alone had the vision for the development of Uganda. We gave him advice and he has my books but he never acknowledged, nor implemented what we suggested including construction in drainage channels in Kampala as that would cause flooding every time it rains. I warned against the dangers of overfishing and exporting too much food. Unfortunately, his vision has turned out to be corruption, sectarianism, cronyism, mismanagement and invading other countries. What makes Ugandans think that another military president or one sustained in power by the military will do better? There is no more room for military experiments with people’s lives. Military people are not trained in the art of managing civilian populations especially in the absence of checks and balances as in Uganda.
The military in Latin America ran their countries in the 1960s and 1970s in the hope that economic development and improved living conditions of citizens would keep them in power permanently. But they failed to deliver and they have handed power back to civilians and the situation is getting better. Similarly, in Uganda, military regimes have failed in their mission to improve living conditions so that they can stay in power permanently. Ipso facto, like their counterparts in Latin America, Museveni should hand power back to civilians because NRM – military led and backed government has failed to deliver in all areas of human endeavor. The evidence of failure is everywhere for all to see including by development partners. The people of Uganda want true democracy and good governance to be arranged through a transitional government made up of all stakeholders led by sincere and patriotic people who will not seek elective office at the next elections. Let the people of Uganda choose their leaders freely and fairly and then hold them accountable for commissions and omissions.
The culture of fearing our leaders must end and be replaced by the culture of loving them. That is the mission of UDU of which I am serving as secretary general. We call on all Ugandans and development partners to join hands in this new and worthy crusade. In doing this, let us draw lessons from others beginning with Chile.
The Pinochet dictatorship under one man rule in Chile was brought to an end in a 1988 plebiscite. The plebiscite was organized because there was international pressure to do so. And Pinochet was defeated by 55 percent against and 43 percent in favor of one man rule because fourteen opposition parties and groups formed an alliance and campaigned together under one umbrella. In the 1989 Chile elections a coalition of seventeen center and center-left parties formed a coalition under one leader (Aylwin) who polled 55.2 percent and defeated the opposition party on the right that polled 29.4 percent.
The voices in Uganda and abroad are calling for a peaceful uprising (military option only in self-defense so we should get prepared). Let us rise to the call and do it together for the good of all Ugandans. I have already begun doing my part.
For God and My Country