Monthly Archives: June 2010

Inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic conflicts in the Gt. Lakes region

In order to understand, resolve and prevent conflicts in the Great Lakes Region (Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi) we have to understand clearly their origins and key players. Those genuinely interested in peace, security and prosperity for the people of the region must research and write objectively including on topics that are taboo like this one.

The Great Lakes region is inhabited by two main ethnic groups of Bantu and Nilotic peoples. Bantu ethnic group arrived in the area 3000 years ago from West Africa and the Nilotic ethnic group 600 years ago from Southern Sudan. Since their interaction the region has experienced inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic conflicts.

Ethnicity carries a sense of collective identity in which a people perceives itself as sharing a common historical past. Many ethnic groups are divided into subgroups called clans (Peter J. Schraeder 2000).

Inter-ethnic conflicts in Rwanda

Many who have written and commented about conflicts in Rwanda from pre-colonial period to 1994 have with few exceptions confined themselves to inter-ethnic conflicts between Batutsi and Bahutu. It is true that during the pre-colonial and colonial periods to 1962 rivalries and conflicts were inter-ethnic.

Intra-ethnic conflicts in Rwanda

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The creation of Rukungiri municipality represents robbery at gun point

In theory, the idea of democracy, of elections and of decentralization is to enable local communities to participate in discussions and make informed decisions including electing representatives that protect, promote and improve the quality of their lives.

Furthermore, the idea of market forces, laissez faire (let alone) and private ownership is designed to allocate resources efficiently, encourage private initiative, speed up economic growth, create jobs and, through a trickle down mechanism, benefit everyone in the community.

The two ideas, largely foreign in origin, have been fully embraced by the NRM government since 1987. The NRM leadership originally rejected stabilization and structural adjustment as promoted by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank for the good and simple reason that if implemented as recommended it would hurt ordinary citizens by reducing jobs, education, health care, nutrition and bargaining power of workers, etc. Given the profit motive of the private sector many in the government felt that, left alone, structural adjustment would squeeze the weak and force them into endemic poverty and permanent under-development.

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Response to a reader on my comments

A reader made comments on my response to Jim Muhwezi’s statement (published in Observer June 2010) about alleviation of poverty in his constituency of Rujumbura.

The reader’s observations, if I understood them correctly, are that:

1. I have dwelt on the ethnic divisions of Bahororo and Bairu of Rujumbura.

2. Jim Muhwezi, Rujumbura’s MP, is popular in because he has done a lot for the people in his constituency.

3. Focus should be on improving household incomes rather than dwell on the Bairu/Bahororo divide.

Let me explain why an understanding of the plight of Bairu in Rujumbura cannot be achieved without considering a historical interaction between Bahororo and Bairu. A good doctor traces the history of his patient’s illness, disaggregates the possible causes, conducts lab tests and finally identifies the cause before prescribing appropriate medication to heal the patient.

Similarly, a good political economy analyst traces the history of the problem in a particular area, disaggregates possible causes, conducts research and identifies the cause or a combination of causes before recommending solutions.

You cannot adequately analyze the poverty of Bairu in Rujumbura without understanding the 210-year interaction between them and Bahororo. Therefore a brief history of their interaction is in order and here it is for easy reference.

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Why Bahororo are contemptuous of Bairu

We are writing these stories on the deteriorating relations between Bahororo and Bairu people because old contemptuous habits are resurfacing. Statements about Bairu inferiority are being made at public rallies, Bairu women’s rights are being violated in many ways, arbitrary decisions are being taken with impunity, canning of Bairu has returned etc. If these developments are not checked, they may lead to unforeseen catastrophes. Those of us who believe in prevention rather than cure are speaking up before the situation gets out of control. The rushed decision by Rukungiri District Council and Uganda Parliament to designate Rukungiri a municipality stripping Bairu of their land without consulting them is the start of troubles that lie ahead.

Bahororo who erroneously still consider themselves white people with a dark pigmentation borrowed their contemptuous behavior from European colonialists based on racism that flourished in Europe in late 19th century. European Social Darwinists who applied Darwin’s evolutionary theory to human societies felt there was a major biological difference between them and other societies. Applying the doctrine of the ‘survival of the fittest’ Social Darwinists saw ‘fitness’ in white skin only. They also used pseudo-scientific studies (phrenology) of bumps on the head to demonstrate that Europeans were more intelligent than other races and therefore destined to rule over them. This sense of racial superiority was expressed in many ways in colonies including dress and social exclusion. However, social exclusion coexisted with relations of a more intimate kind including sexual encounters between Europeans and subject peoples. “Almost all relationships between colonizers and others were saturated with inequalities in power: sexual relations were no different” (M. Pugh 1997).

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Rukungiri municipality has introduced dangerous elements

Why write this article at this time

I have written this article for posterity. I have thought long and hard about this subject. In the end I decided to go ahead and write the story fully aware of the dangers to me, my family, relatives and friends. When I wrote the article in Uganda’s Observer newspaper about “How Rujumbura’s Bairu got impoverished” many readers expressed shock about how man can deliberately destroy another man. A few others attacked me viciously for being sectarian and full of hatred. They even distorted what I was saying to score a psychological point, scare me and force me into obscurity. The plan did not work and I have since written more provoking some to describe me as ignorant, insane and a bigot.

Relations between Bahororo and Bantu peoples in Rujumbura County

Relations between Bahororo (Nilotic Batutsi from Rwanda) and the indigenous Bantu people (dubbed Bairu or slaves) have been marked by domination, humiliation, exploitation, impoverishment and marginalization of Bairu by Bahororo. Bahororo are Batutsi from Rwanda who came to Rujumbura around 1800 in search of refuge after their short-lived Mpororo kingdom (hence the name Bahororo or people of Mpororo) had disintegrated and was taken over by Bahima of Nkore under Bahinda ruling clan.

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Uganda’s transformation unlikely without industrial protection

Uganda and indeed African countries will not transform their economies and societies without converting their abundant natural resources into manufactured products. The open secret is that they have to protect infant industries against unfair competition. Infant industries are like infant children that require extra care until they have adjusted to the environment and are able to play and compete with others.

In Europe, the first region in the world to develop, protection measures were applied at an early stage. The plague of 1347 that became endemic in Europe reduced population and threatened trade and commerce. “In the non-agricultural sector the most striking result of this crisis was the emerging strength of guilds organized to protect local artisans in response to rapidly declining markets. The strength of the guilds in preserving local monopolies against encroachment from outside competition was frequently reinforced by the coercive power of kings and great lords. On a large scale the Hansean League [a confederation of north German cities] represented such a defensive alliance of cities to protect their shrinking markets from the competition of rival cities”(D. C. North 1981).

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Democracy at gun point in practice

The creation of a banana district

In his interview which was published in Uganda’s Monitor dated February 9, 2004 Hon. Major General (rtd) Kahinda Otafire observed that “We [NRM] stood for national unity, for democracy, for equality and we were for justice for all. You find all the principles we fought for contained in our ten-point program”. Ugandans interpreted democracy to mean empowering them to participate directly or through their representatives in decisions that improve their lives.

The president’s spokesperson characterized President Museveni as a man of the people – a believer in true democracy – who is always in touch with ordinary people including at the lowest level. In practice two major things have happened: first, the ten-point program was dropped – and so were the principles contained in it – when the NRM government began collaboration with the IMF and the World Bank after signing an agreement in May 1987 and second, democracy has been practiced at gun point to force people and institutions to take decisions dictated by NRM leaders. In forcing some of these decisions, NRM leaders were facilitated by the donor community. For example, the idea of decentralization came largely from development partners who thought that people would be able to take decisions that improve the quality of their lives and that services would be brought closer to them.

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Corruption, poverty and the 1848 French Revolution

Lessons for Uganda

King Charles X was overthrown in large part because he wanted to reintroduce the ‘divine right of French kings’, indemnify French nobles at state expense for property lost in the 1789 Revolution and impose press censorship. On July 26, 1830 Charles attempted to remove the legislature and to abolish all freedoms to discuss royal authority. The king had become too much even for the poor, tired and revolutionary-weary Frenchmen. He had to go. For three days – July 27, 28, and 29, 1830 – the French people rose up and served notice that the royal services of Charles X were no longer required. He abdicated and departed for England on July 30.

Democracy became the buzz word in France. The middle class that had long complained about the abuses of political power by the aristocracy felt that its moment had come to take charge of France’s public affairs. In the discussions that ensued, some French wanted a republic, others a monarchy. In the end they opted for a restricted monarchy and Louis Philippe, a member of the Orlean’s family and cousin to the Bourbons became the “Citizen King” or “The July Monarch” (G. Roche 1993).

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Anomaly in the creation of Rukungiri Municipality

Rt. Hon. Speaker
Rt. Hon. Prime Minister
Rt. Hon. Leader of the Opposition
H.E. Permanent Representative to the UN in New York
Dear Sirs
This morning I sent you a message protesting the manner in which a resolution was passed by Rukungiri district council without consulting the people that have been affected.
A few minutes ago, I have just read in New Vision (Uganda) of Monday May 17, 2010 that new municipalities had been approved by Parliament. I noticed one anomaly.
While the proposed municipalities were presented to Parliament by the Minister of State for Local Government, in the case of Rukungiri the presentation was made by the MP Major General Jim Muhwezi apparently without following the normal procedure.

I have also noted that the shadow Minister of Local Government “cautioned that municipalities should not be carelessly dished out”.
If the overall goal of municipality is to divide up land and sell it as plots to the highest bidder so that the municipality raises resources, that will be a regrettable approach that will impoverish people.
It would be appreciated if an explanation would be given and what a municipality means in terms of land ownership. Many of the people in Rukungiri that have been incorporated into the municipality depend on land for their livelihood and most of them are functionally illiterate and will not be able find work outside of agriculture.
Best regards.
Eric

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British indirect rule in Uganda is still alive and well

The British colonial policy in Uganda was to maximize outcomes for the British people and her industries at minimum cost. Besides strategic interests related to the source of the Nile and Egypt, Britain colonized Uganda to obtain raw materials for her expanding industries, food for her growing population, a market for her surplus manufactured products and a home for her excess population.

After several years of agricultural experimentation with white farmers and informed debate between Entebbe and London colonial officials it was decided that Uganda should be left in the hands of Uganda peasants and loyal chiefs – traditional or appointed – supervised by a few British officials at the central, provincial, district and local levels to ensure that law and order was maintained, taxes were collected and public projects such as roads were constructed.

The cost of governing Uganda would be met from local resources to reduce pressure on the British treasury. Using Buganda as an example of indirect rule model, Chretien (2006) observed that “The kingdom of Buganda was a notable example of the colonial combination of economic calculation, missionary activity, and political strategizing. In this process, the African actors played as decisive a role as the European imperialists”.

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