Museveni is turning Uganda into Bahororo dynasty

Museveni is a big dreamer and strategist. He has plans for Bahororo dynasty in Uganda as an integral part of Tutsi Empire in the Great Lakes Region. He is using a combination of military, political, economic and diplomatic weapons to realize his dreams. Ugandans should listen and watch carefully when Museveni talks or acts. He has a subtle way of sending messages. This article will focus on plans for declaring Bahororo dynasty in Uganda. For easy reference, let us review the history of former Mpororo kingdom as background information to Bahororo dynasty.

A group of Batutsi from Rwanda under the leadership of Kahaya Rutindangyenzi of Bashambo ruling clan founded Mpororo Kingdom around mid-1600s. The kingdom lasted less than 100 years because of serious internal problems. Although the exact boundaries are not known, it stretched from northern Rwanda to southwest Uganda largely in present-day Ntungamo district. When the kingdom disintegrated the portion in southwest Uganda was taken over by Bahima under Bahinda ruling clan. Bahororo who had been rulers over Bairu (slaves or commoners) became commoners themselves under Bahima kings.

Many Bahororo who were dissatisfied returned to Rwanda, others stayed (and chose to call themselves Bahima to avoid being classified and (mis)treated as commoners) or moved somewhere else. Ninety years or so after the kingdom had disintegrated a group of Bahororo under the leadership of Rwebiraro of Bashambo clan sought refuge in Rujumbura around 1800 and settled at Nyakinengo. Therefore Rujumbura was not a part of Mpororo kingdom.

Although Bahororo lost their kingdom and the name ‘Mpororo’ disappeared from maps of what later became Uganda, Bahororo tenaciously clung together (by marrying among themselves) wherever they lived – in Rwanda, Rujumbura, Ankole, Buganda or elsewhere and kept alive the dream of restoring Mpororo kingdom.

During negotiations for Uganda independence, Bahororo in Ankole demanded a separate district. They did not succeed but the idea did not die. Museveni who is a Muhororo was old enough and witnessed how Bahima of Ankole denied Bahororo a separate district (there are rumors – to be confirmed – that Ankole kingdom was not restored because of the unresolved Mpororo kingdom question).

Museveni has set himself the gigantic task of restoring and expanding Mpororo from southwest Uganda to the entire country. He is using inter alia the following methods in calculated and subtle manner.

First, Museveni has patiently with the help of historians and other professionals identified all Bahororo and their Bahima (including Oyima in Lango), Batutsi and Banyamulenge cousins in Uganda and beyond. Because they use different Uganda names and speak different Uganda languages, it is difficult to detect them. Museveni has therefore placed them in strategic positions in the army, police and intelligence, strategic ministries especially of finance and foreign affairs and in business. The oil sector is already in Museveni’s pocket. That is why it has become critically important to know who is who in Uganda to avoid the country being ‘high jacked’.

Second, by pushing economic integration and free mobility of East Africans, Museveni has made it relatively easy for Batutsi from Rwanda, Burundi and DRC to filter into Uganda to boost Bahororo numbers. For this reason Museveni favors a liberal immigration policy. That is why you see so many buses from Burundi and Rwanda ferrying Batutsi into Uganda. With poor records it is difficult to know how many of these Batutsi are staying in Uganda permanently. Should East African political federation become a reality, Uganda will be flooded with Batutsi and Banyamulenge who will occupy Uganda land and throw out indigenous owners – it is reported to be happening in Ntungamo district already.

The 1995 Uganda constitution that allows free mobility and settlement anywhere in the country was designed largely for this purpose but Ugandans did not and still do not understand this trick. Using immigration statistics, it would be possible to determine how many Batutsi and Banyamulenge have entered Uganda and how many have left. However, records on migration, births, deaths and marriages etc that would provide the information on migration have been stolen although those who stole them are known but have not yet been apprehended! That is why Ugandans must demand the return of those files intact.

Third, under normal circumstances, when refugees are given asylum they are kept and supported in camps until conditions improve in their home countries and they go back. In Uganda since 1959 when Batutsi refugees and their cattle entered Uganda, refugees are settled and by default (or with some help) many of them have become Uganda citizens. The Tutsi refugees were allowed to stay with relatives or move to other places where they were helped to acquire land. If you add on migrant workers you understand how Buganda ended up with 40 percent of Banyarwanda at the time of independence.

These haphazard settlements explain in large part problems in Sembabule, Rakai and Mawokota, Bunyoro and Ntungamo etc. In Kabale where the population density is high, accommodating Batutsi refugees since 1959 resulted in Bakiga being pushed out to other areas of Uganda. Thus, some people who pose as Bakiga from Kabale are actually Batutsi. Museveni knows them well and has used them effectively. The United Nations High Commissioner for refugees (UNHCR) that has responsibility for their wellbeing should provide information on all refugees in Uganda since 1959 to see how many have returned to their countries. This information would also be used to avoid future conflicts with indigenous people especially as political problems in the Horn of Africa, Kenya and DRC have pushed Somalis, Kenyans and Congolese into Uganda.

Fourth, wealthy or educated non-Bahororo, non-Batutsi and non-Bahima men are being encouraged – sometimes without them knowing it – to marry women from Bahororo and their cousins. Usually these are women from lower social classes (women from higher or royal classes marry men in their Nilotic ethnic group and would not be allowed to marry outside of that circle even if they wanted to). Once you marry into Bahororo family you become a Muhororo or you are ‘Tutsified’ and you join that culture and abandon your ancestral relatives. Therefore these are basically political marriages designed to weaken non-Bahororo Ugandans. There is a rumor (subject to confirmation) that Bashambo women have formed a club called Bashambokazi Kumanyana (to know one another) and one of the principal objectives is to marry Bahororo women to non-Bahororo wealthy and/or educated men.

Fifth, Museveni has made sure that children of Bahororo and their cousins get superb education at home and/or abroad while Uganda children languish in public schools that have been starved of funds and cannot even serve lunch to hungry children who are dropping out of school. Museveni has resisted suggestions to provide kids with lunch. Now you can understand why. This is not a matter that requires a study (as Museveni has directed) by the World Bank which is not entirely in favor of school lunches. The educated Bahororo in time will occupy all important positions in all areas of human endeavor and control semi-illiterate and unemployable Ugandans. Museveni is also not keen to provide relief to unemployed youth through public works initially as other governments have done because that is part of the plan – to marginalize and reduce them to politically and economically voicelessness and powerlessness.

Sixth, Museveni has accommodated foreigners by privatizing public assets (and increasingly allocating them land) and giving them freedom to make as much money as they are able to (including by underpaying Uganda workers through labor flexibility) in return for supporting him to stay in power as long as he wants. Museveni’s chosen successor would continue cozy relations with foreigners to consolidate Bahororo dynasty.

Seventh, Museveni who controls the judiciary and executive branches now wants the legislative branch of government as well. With three branches in his pocket the game will be over. For 2011 elections NRM flag bearers were carefully selected and that is why the NRM primaries were chaotic. The preferred candidates defeated those that do not fit Museveni’s scheme of capturing and controlling parliament. With at least two-thirds majority of solid supporters in parliament, Museveni will engineer revolutionary constitutional changes that may shock Ugandans.

If Ugandans have noticed, many groups are now demanding cultural leaders. The idea of cultural leaders is in the 1995 constitution. They could not use kings because that would have been too obvious. What is interesting is that groups are increasingly demanding and installing not cultural heads but kings. Have Ugandans noticed the shift from cultural leaders to kings? As more and more groups demand kings and kingdoms, Museveni may use this opportunity and argue that since the overwhelming groups want kings we might as well declare Uganda a kingdom. With at least two-thirds in parliament fully behind Museveni, Uganda could easily be declared a kingdom with Museveni as the first king. When this happens, it will be too late to change because Museveni will be in control of security forces, all branches of government and the business community. Since the decision will have been taken democratically, there is nothing the international community can do. Do not dismiss this observation out of hand. It is possible to declare Uganda a hereditary kingdom, entrenching Bahororo dynasty. The only chance Ugandans have is to defeat NRM in 2011. This matter should be taken seriously so that no one complains afterwards that if they had known they would have voted differently. Now you know!